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Theological Origins of Modernity

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84 chapter three<br />

this vision, he drew not merely on Plato but on Augustine, although more<br />

on Augustine’s earlier anti-Manichean thought that attributed more importance<br />

to human free will than his later anti-Pelagian works that called<br />

such a free will into question. He also was deeply infl uenced by his study<br />

<strong>of</strong> later Neoplatonism (he translated Plotinus and Proclus) and especially<br />

the work <strong>of</strong> Pseudo-Dionysus, who Ficino thought was the fi rst <strong>of</strong> Paul’s<br />

Athenian followers (mentioned in Acts 17:34) but who we now know to<br />

have been a follower <strong>of</strong> Proclus. 50<br />

For Ficino, man is above all else the imago dei, and as such he has an<br />

intrinsic dignity and power. Plato and his followers, according to Ficino,<br />

assert such a point with their doctrine <strong>of</strong> the immortality <strong>of</strong> the individual<br />

soul. 51 Th is is the basis for man’s divinity, and it is through the cultivation<br />

<strong>of</strong> the soul that we become like God. Ficino thereby revived the Neoplatonic<br />

doctrine <strong>of</strong> the world-soul as the center <strong>of</strong> the universe and gave the<br />

human soul a privileged place in the universal hierarchy, as the bond <strong>of</strong><br />

the universe and the link between the intelligible and corporeal worlds. 52<br />

Cultivating the soul in his view allows humans to “become all things.” Ficino<br />

even believed that man could “create the heavens and what is in them<br />

himself, if he could obtain the tools and the heavenly material.” 53 Since he<br />

cannot, he must content himself instead with recreating this world mimetically<br />

through the use <strong>of</strong> his skills and his imagination.<br />

At the core <strong>of</strong> Ficino’s theology was a vision <strong>of</strong> God that was at odds<br />

with that <strong>of</strong> scholasticism but in continuity with the God <strong>of</strong> his humanist<br />

predecessors. Th is God was a God <strong>of</strong> will, not <strong>of</strong> reason, modeled not on<br />

Aristotle’s prime mover but Plato’s artifi cer. Plotinus had demonstrated<br />

and Augustine accepted the notion that a trinitarian God must not merely<br />

love but be love in order to be at all, since it is only love that can solve<br />

the problem <strong>of</strong> the one and the many within divine being. Reason cannot<br />

bring this about. God’s creation <strong>of</strong> the world must thus be an act <strong>of</strong> loving<br />

will. Moreover, if God is essentially love, then all his creatures and human<br />

beings as well must be governed and guided by love. Such a view <strong>of</strong> love,<br />

however, is precisely the view that Ficino discovered in Plato’s Symposium<br />

and that he described in great detail fi rst in On Pleasure (1457) and then<br />

more fully in On Love (1466), which has rightly been called the most important<br />

literary work <strong>of</strong> the Renaissance. While Ficino accepted the ontological<br />

individualism posited by nominalism, he saw all individual beings<br />

fi lled with and united by sparks <strong>of</strong> divine love. Motivated by love, they are<br />

naturally attracted to the good and thus to God. 54 He thus asserted that<br />

behavior based on instinct and natural passions, including sexual desire,<br />

draws humans toward the divine. Nature was itself thus a form <strong>of</strong> grace<br />

that Ficino concluded leads humans toward the good and thus to God.

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