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Theological Origins of Modernity

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notes to pages 259–268 355<br />

Monad (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1960). Th e problem that Hume posed for Kant was<br />

not epistemological: “Hume, whose Enquiry had strongly aff ected Kant, in the<br />

eighth chapter (‘Liberty and Necessity’) brings forth, with all ‘skeptical’ reservations,<br />

a radical determinism and indeed one-sidedly in favor <strong>of</strong> the causality<br />

according to natural necessity.” Heimsoeth, “Kosmotheologischen,” 218. Kant’s<br />

consideration <strong>of</strong> the antinomy is a critique <strong>of</strong> the concepts <strong>of</strong> the whole or cosmos<br />

as a critique <strong>of</strong> the mathematical conception <strong>of</strong> the whole qua world and the<br />

dynamic conception <strong>of</strong> the whole qua nature. Immanuel Kant, Kritik der reinen<br />

Vernunft , ed. R. Schmidt (Hamburg: Meiner, 1956), A418/B446. In the Th ird Antinomy<br />

Kant considers the possibility <strong>of</strong> the dynamic or causal structure or synthesis<br />

<strong>of</strong> the whole.<br />

13. Ibid., A410/B437–A411/B438.<br />

14. Th ere were a number <strong>of</strong> traditional ways that Cicero had enumerated in which this<br />

might be achieved. Cicero points to ten diff erent means <strong>of</strong> resolving antinomies.<br />

De inventione 2.49.145–47. Kant neglects these solutions and pursues a dialectical<br />

path. On this point see my “Philosophy and Rhetoric in Kant’s Th ird Antinomy,”<br />

Political Science Reviewer 30 (2001): 7–33.<br />

15. For an extended discussion <strong>of</strong> Kant’s reception and critique in the next generation<br />

<strong>of</strong> German thinkers, see Frederick C. Beiser, Th e Fate <strong>of</strong> Reason: German Philosophy<br />

from Kant to Fichte (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1987).<br />

16. On this register their thought thus seems to be philosophic rather than theological,<br />

as Strauss and others argue. Or to put it in other words, their thought is not<br />

theological in the way scholastic and Reformation thought was. At a diff erent<br />

level, however, their understanding <strong>of</strong> nature was itself fundamentally theological<br />

in the broader sense we discussed above.<br />

17. On this point see my “Descartes and the Question <strong>of</strong> Toleration,” in Early Modern<br />

Skepticism and the <strong>Origins</strong> <strong>of</strong> Toleration, ed. Alan Levine (Lanthan, Md.: Rowman<br />

and Littlefi eld, 1999).<br />

18. Richard Tuck, “Hobbes and Descartes,” in Perspectives on Th omas Hobbes, ed. G.<br />

A. J. Rogers and Alan Ryan (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), 15–30.<br />

19. Th e manner <strong>of</strong> presentation on both sides <strong>of</strong> this debate was shaped in some measure<br />

by the interlocutors’ sense <strong>of</strong> the external audiences <strong>of</strong> the work. Descartes,<br />

whose position on human freedom was akin to that <strong>of</strong> the Arminians, had to walk<br />

a careful line between his Catholic audience in France and his Calvinist audience<br />

in Holland. Hobbes, whose position on freedom placed him nearer the Calvinists<br />

and in opposition to the Catholics and the Arminians, was in an even more diffi -<br />

cult position since he was living in exile in Catholic France, among the Arminians<br />

and Catholics <strong>of</strong> the court, and with royalist sympathies that put him at odds with<br />

the confessionally similar Calvinists in England.<br />

20. Descartes almost certainly was relieved to avoid an explicit debate about his claim<br />

that God was a deceiver since it put him most seriously at odds with the Catholic<br />

Church.<br />

21. AT 7:57; CSM 2:40 (for abbreviations, see chap. 1, n. 58).<br />

22. Replies, AT 7:367–68; CSM 2:253.

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