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Theological Origins of Modernity

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242 chapter seven<br />

seeth every high thing below him; and is king <strong>of</strong> all the children <strong>of</strong> pride”<br />

(Job 41:33–34). Human beings in Hobbes’ view are basically equal because<br />

they are equally mortal. No one is so strong that he cannot be killed. Th e<br />

Leviathan, like Machiavelli’s prince, is needed to control those who believe<br />

they are more than human and thus deserve to rule over others. Th ey<br />

need to have their pride affi rmed by the obedience and adoration <strong>of</strong> their<br />

subjects. Th ere is a strong temptation to see these men as the warriors or<br />

conquerors. 114 Hobbes, however, suggests that physical strength and prowess<br />

is only one source <strong>of</strong> pride. Human beings also pride themselves because<br />

<strong>of</strong> what they consider their superior intelligence or closeness to God. All <strong>of</strong><br />

these forms <strong>of</strong> superiority can have pernicious political consequences.<br />

Hobbes’ notion <strong>of</strong> such a ruler as a prerequisite for peace was not surprising.<br />

Indeed, the principal goal <strong>of</strong> the treaties <strong>of</strong> Prague (1635) and<br />

Westphalia (1648) was to create and legitimate such sovereigns. It was less<br />

apparent at the time, however, that such a sovereign needed be an absolute<br />

monarch. While Hobbes believes there are strong prudential arguments<br />

for a monarch, he admits in De cive that this cannot be demonstrated.<br />

At the root <strong>of</strong> Hobbes’ preference for an absolute monarch is a nominalist<br />

understanding <strong>of</strong> human relations. He believes that humans cooperate and<br />

keep their covenants only because it is in their interest to do so and that they<br />

will break them when they can achieve some benefi t by doing so. Th us they<br />

must be forced to keep their promises. Th is argument rests on Hobbes’ assumption<br />

that human beings are absolute individuals. It is important to see<br />

that this idea is not rooted in experience. As Aristotle and others pointed<br />

out, we all begin as members <strong>of</strong> families, tribes, villages, or cities and most<br />

remain a part <strong>of</strong> such communities. We have children, parents, friends, and<br />

loved ones whom we trust not merely with our wealth but with our lives.<br />

Moreover, there are many for whom we would sacrifi ce our fortunes and<br />

even our lives to save or to assist them in signifi cant ways. Hobbes’ emphasis<br />

on human individuality is thus rooted not so much in his observation <strong>of</strong> everyday<br />

social life but in the experience <strong>of</strong> the breakdown <strong>of</strong> social life in civil<br />

war. He clearly has in mind events like the revolution in Corcyra, described<br />

by Th ucydides, and the slaughter in Bohemia or Magdeburg. Th ese extreme<br />

situations confi rm the truths he obtained from reading himself, that we put<br />

preservation above all other things. He thus believes that in this worst case<br />

scenario no human institution other than the sovereign can maintain order<br />

and guarantee peace. In fact, all other institutions, families, churches, parties,<br />

etc. become merely means to sustain the confl ict that endangers everyone.<br />

Th e sovereign alone rises above the fray.<br />

In “personating” God, the sovereign stands in the state just as the nomi-

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