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Theological Origins of Modernity

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256 chapter eight<br />

shattering their faith that reason could rule the world, that progress was<br />

inevitable, and that the spread <strong>of</strong> enlightenment would usher in an age <strong>of</strong><br />

peace, prosperity, and human freedom. Th e Terror convinced them that<br />

when universal reason came to power it wore a devil’s mask and opened<br />

up the gates not <strong>of</strong> heaven but <strong>of</strong> hell.<br />

Th e hopeful dreams <strong>of</strong> the “century <strong>of</strong> lights” were swept away, and reaction<br />

set in on all sides. Th e blade that separated the muddled head <strong>of</strong> an<br />

ineff ectual king from his body thus also severed the unblemished ideal<br />

<strong>of</strong> modernity from the reality <strong>of</strong> modern practices and institutions that<br />

were taking hold all over Europe. Since then modernity has swept in everywhere<br />

and changed the face <strong>of</strong> Europe and the world, but despite this<br />

triumph no one has ever been quite able to forget that modernity has an<br />

edge that cuts for good and ill.<br />

As we have seen, questions about the modern project had been raised<br />

before. Indeed, while modernity had increasingly engaged the imagination<br />

<strong>of</strong> European intellectuals since the latter half <strong>of</strong> the seventeenth century,<br />

there had always been those who had doubts that it was an unqualifi ed<br />

good. In the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, the broadest<br />

claims <strong>of</strong> the modern project had been called into question in the famous<br />

Quarrel <strong>of</strong> the Ancients and the Moderns, but this for the most part was<br />

merely a rear-guard eff ort by humanists defending the authority <strong>of</strong> classical<br />

thought against Cartesian modernists. Rousseau launched a similar but<br />

broader attack in his Discourse on the Arts and Sciences, arguing that modernity<br />

not only failed to improve human beings but actually made them<br />

worse, producing not virtue, strength, or truthfulness, but vice, weakness,<br />

and hypocrisy. And fi nally, Hume mounted a skeptical attack that called<br />

into question the idea <strong>of</strong> a necessary connection between cause and eff ect<br />

that was essential to the modern idea <strong>of</strong> an apodictic science. While such<br />

criticism did not go unheard, European intellectuals were still overwhelmingly<br />

committed to modern thought in the broadest sense in 1789, in large<br />

part certainly because the power <strong>of</strong> modern rationality seemed to have<br />

been borne out by the success <strong>of</strong> the Americans in peaceably establishing<br />

their own laws and choosing their own leaders in the aft ermath <strong>of</strong> the<br />

American Revolution. 1 Th is example led most European intellectuals to<br />

conclude that human reason could give order to human life if only given a<br />

chance. As a result, the critique <strong>of</strong> modernity <strong>of</strong>t en fell on deaf ears.<br />

Even those who recognized the pr<strong>of</strong>undity <strong>of</strong> Rousseau’s and Hume’s<br />

critiques more <strong>of</strong>t en than not came to the defense <strong>of</strong> modern reason. Kant<br />

was a case in point. While he was deeply impressed by the arguments <strong>of</strong><br />

Rousseau and Hume, he remained convinced that modern science and

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