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Theological Origins of Modernity

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78 chapter three<br />

humanism was certainly never the choice <strong>of</strong> a majority <strong>of</strong> Christians, but<br />

it was infl uential especially among the intellectuals and generally accepted<br />

as orthodox.<br />

Central to the humanist enterprise was the defense <strong>of</strong> a notion <strong>of</strong> human<br />

dignity. 31 In order to defend such a notion, it was necessary for humanism<br />

to emphasize the fact that man was created in the image <strong>of</strong> God and to<br />

minimize the eff ects <strong>of</strong> the Fall and original sin. Th ese points were crucial<br />

for most humanists but also problematic. Th ey understood that without a<br />

liberal reading <strong>of</strong> both matters, they would have to conclude that the great<br />

moral heroes <strong>of</strong> antiquity, Socrates, Cicero, and Cato, had been damned.<br />

Dante had sought to fi nesse this problem by putting Socrates in limbo, but<br />

this was insuffi cient for most humanists who needed to believe that morality<br />

and piety were more or less identical. If men such as Socrates had been<br />

damned, it would be hard to avoid the nominalist conclusion that God was<br />

indiff erent or even unjust. However, if it was possible for such virtuous<br />

men to be saved without knowing Christ, then it was hard to understand<br />

why Christ and his sacrifi ce were necessary.<br />

Humanists employed two diff erent strategies in their eff orts to resolve<br />

this problem. Following Paul’s account in Romans that God’s laws were<br />

revealed through the order <strong>of</strong> nature, they argued that pagans who had<br />

led virtuous lives according to nature had thus recognized, honored, and<br />

perhaps even “worshipped” God even though they did not know <strong>of</strong> Christ.<br />

Th is was especially true for those pagans like Socrates and Cicero who<br />

recognized that there was only one god. Th us, the virtuous pagans could<br />

by only some slight stretch <strong>of</strong> the imagination be counted among the elect.<br />

Th e problem with such a view was that it seemed to propel one toward<br />

Pelagianism. Th e second possibility, which we will discuss below, was to<br />

imagine that there was a common origin to both Christianity and pagan<br />

thought. Such a common origin could justify the humanists’ belief that<br />

the moral teachings <strong>of</strong> pagans were inspired by God and thus essentially<br />

identical with the teaching <strong>of</strong> Christ.<br />

Th e rapprochement <strong>of</strong> pagan and Christian thought was facilitated by<br />

the work <strong>of</strong> Leonardo Bruni (1369–1444), who was a student <strong>of</strong> Salutati<br />

and like him served as a papal secretary before returning to Florence in<br />

1415 as his successor in the chancellorship. Among his many contributions,<br />

Bruni greatly eased religious suspicions that the humanist reading <strong>of</strong> secular<br />

texts corrupted piety by translating and publishing a letter from Basil,<br />

one <strong>of</strong> the greatest Christian heroes, defending the reading <strong>of</strong> pagan poets<br />

by Christian students. 32 He also popularized a new notion <strong>of</strong> history, originally<br />

formulated by Flavio Biondo (1392–1463), that divided history not

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