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Theological Origins of Modernity

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306 notes to pages 52–54<br />

the attempt to create a self-enclosed fi ctional universe that rejects time and history<br />

and makes the self the idolatrous counterpart <strong>of</strong> God. Worlds, 3. Such a view,<br />

however, wrongly assimilates Petrarch’s notion <strong>of</strong> the individual to the Cartesian<br />

notion <strong>of</strong> subjectivity. For Petrarch the self is always in and <strong>of</strong> the world. It is not<br />

a res cogitans over and against a res extensa. It constantly struggles with the world<br />

but the world is not an alien other.<br />

48. Th e disordered mind <strong>of</strong> the impetuous lover, in Petrarch’s view, knows no peace.<br />

See his Africa, trans. T. G. Bergin and A. S. Wilson (New Haven: Yale University<br />

Press, 1977), 88.<br />

49. Drawing on Cicero, Petrarch asserts in his Coronation oration that passion and<br />

the desire for glory are essential to any great work <strong>of</strong> spirit. Hans Baron, “Petrarch:<br />

His Inner Struggles and the Humanistic Discovery <strong>of</strong> Man’s Nature,” in<br />

Florilegium historiale (Toronto: University <strong>of</strong> Toronto Press, 1971), 30.<br />

50. In this respect, Petrarch found the Romans superior to Greeks because they<br />

avoided excessively intellectualizing the question <strong>of</strong> virtue. Foster, Petrarch, 151.<br />

On the question <strong>of</strong> moral virtue, Petrarch fi rmly believed that Romans had improved<br />

what they received from Greeks. Whitfi eld, Petrarch and the Renascence,<br />

103 and 107.<br />

51. Jerrold Seigel, Rhetoric and Philosophy in Renaissance Humanism: Th e Union <strong>of</strong><br />

Eloquence and Wisdom, Petrarch to Valla (Princeton: Princeton University Press,<br />

1968), 58.<br />

52. Mazzotta, Worlds, 117.<br />

53. Ibid., 118.<br />

54. Trinkaus, Scope, 353.<br />

55. Later in life, Petrarch became increasingly interested in Caesar and wrote an extensive<br />

life <strong>of</strong> him as well, entitled De gestis Caesaris. He apparently never believed<br />

that he was as virtuous as Scipio, but was attracted to him against his sympathies<br />

by his greatness. Foster, Petrarch, 156.<br />

56. Petrarch, Africa, x. Th is is refl ected as well in Petrarch’s critique <strong>of</strong> Pompey for<br />

not destroying Caesar earlier when he had the chance. Th is view has no parallel in<br />

medieval thought. Baron, “Petrarch,” 27.<br />

57. Africa, 70–77.<br />

58. Foster, Petrarch, 148.<br />

59. Africa, 166.<br />

60. Ibid., 37, 227. Scipio, however, in a certain sense is merely emblematic for the<br />

Roman people themselves. Ibid., 74.<br />

61. “For well schooled, the leader <strong>of</strong> the victorious hosts had marked Fate’s oscillations<br />

and ‘gainst every chance prepared himself.” Ibid., 126.<br />

62. Th is picture <strong>of</strong> Scipio is quite similar to Petrarch’s later vision <strong>of</strong> the characteristics<br />

<strong>of</strong> a good prince. According to Petrarch, the prince should be lovable, just,<br />

promote public works, be careful in the use <strong>of</strong> public funds, contribute to new<br />

taxes, avoid cruelty and excessive delegation <strong>of</strong> power, cherish friendship, and<br />

be free from vanity and overweening pride. Wilkins, Life, 242–43. Th e power <strong>of</strong><br />

this idea is evident in its continuing impact many years later on Erasmus. See

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