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Theological Origins of Modernity

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hobbes’ fearful wisdom 217<br />

sued both simultaneously. Returning to England, he became tutor to Cavendish’s<br />

thirteen-year-old son. Th ey translated and summarized Aristotle’s<br />

Rhetoric, certainly an archetypal activity by humanist standards. 26 Hobbes<br />

also expanded his scientifi c studies and had greater contact with the Walbeck<br />

Cavendishes (including the earl <strong>of</strong> Newcastle, his brother Sir Charles<br />

Cavendish, and their chaplain Robert Payne), who were deeply interested<br />

in Galileo and the new science. 27 He was part <strong>of</strong> their circle in 1630, when<br />

the Short Tract was written. Th is work, which uses the geometric method<br />

to sketch the idea <strong>of</strong> a philosophic system, has <strong>of</strong>t en been attributed to<br />

Hobbes, but we now know it was written by Payne. 28 Nonetheless, we know<br />

that Hobbes was on intimate terms with Payne and that this manuscript<br />

refl ects the developing scientifi c views <strong>of</strong> both men.<br />

Th rough his connection with Newcastle he also became acquainted<br />

with members <strong>of</strong> the Great Tew Circle <strong>of</strong> Viscount Falkland, including<br />

Chillingsworth, Sheldon, Hyde, and others. While these men had some<br />

interest in science, their real concern was religion and politics. Most were<br />

Arminians, and their moral and political ideas were derived from Erasmus,<br />

Hooker, and Grotius. 29 Th ey were sympathetic to Scripture but were<br />

convinced, as Chillingsworth put it, that nothing in Scripture contradicted<br />

right reason and sense, a position to which Hobbes also subscribed. 30<br />

Hobbes returned to the continent in 1634 and came in contact with<br />

Mydorge, Mersenne, and Gassendi. Tuck has argued that his interactions<br />

with the Mersenne Circle (and through them Descartes) were essential<br />

for the development <strong>of</strong> his science. As we saw in chapter 3, late sixteenthcentury<br />

humanism particularly as exemplifi ed by Montaigne and Charron<br />

called into question the veracity <strong>of</strong> sensation. Galileo was the fi rst to<br />

explain why this was the case, pointing out that heat was not something<br />

in nature but only a perception caused by something we do not experience<br />

directly. 31 Gassendi, Descartes, and Hobbes independently came to the<br />

conclusion that we only have veridical knowledge <strong>of</strong> our sense-perception<br />

and “know” the external world only because <strong>of</strong> the impact <strong>of</strong> objects on<br />

our sense organs that transmit signals to the brain that we interpret as<br />

external objects. Th is notion played a crucial role in the development <strong>of</strong><br />

Hobbes’ science.<br />

Th e fi nal element necessary to Hobbes’ science was the insight that everything<br />

is a form <strong>of</strong> local motion. Th e source <strong>of</strong> this idea is disputed,<br />

but we know that he fi rst articulated it to Newcastle during the month he<br />

visited Galileo. Donald Hanson and others have claimed that the impact<br />

<strong>of</strong> Galileo and Paduan science on Hobbes has been overrated, but the outlooks<br />

<strong>of</strong> both men are clearly similar. 32 We do know that this visit had a

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