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Theological Origins of Modernity

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348 notes to pages 239–243<br />

inhabit. Similarly, Hobbes’ construction may be valid for our world, but without<br />

a justifi cation <strong>of</strong> the starting points we cannot know this to be the case. Th e selfreading<br />

<strong>of</strong> a madman might be consistent but not valid or generalizable.<br />

107. EW 1:8.<br />

108. Leviathan, 58. While Hobbes might agree with Machiavelli that most people want<br />

to be left alone, he does not agree that it is only a few oppressors that upset the<br />

apple cart.<br />

109. Th e similarity to Luther’s argument that we need to pass through despair to fi nd<br />

grace is palpable and striking.<br />

110. In the end for Hobbes all sane men will run just as Hector, despite his courage,<br />

does in the Iliad. Only the suicidally insane will follow the path <strong>of</strong> Achilles.<br />

111. Hobbes, Elements <strong>of</strong> Law, 87. See also Martinich, Two Gods, 80.<br />

112. God thus cannot be relegated to the background in the way Martinich suggests.<br />

Two Gods, 98.<br />

113. Hobbes in many ways is simply reaffi rming the position <strong>of</strong> James I: “Th e state <strong>of</strong><br />

monarchy is the supremest thing upon earth; for kings are not only God’s lieutenants<br />

upon earth, and sit upon God’s throne, but even by God himself are called<br />

gods . . . for that they exercise a manner or resemblance <strong>of</strong> divine power upon<br />

earth.” King James VI and I, “A Speech to the Lords and Commons <strong>of</strong> the Parliament<br />

at White-Hall, on Wednesday Th e XXI. Of March, Anno 1609,” Political<br />

Writings, ed. Johann Sommerville (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,<br />

1994), 181. See also A. P. Martinich, Hobbes: A Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge<br />

University Press, 1999), 15.<br />

114. Building on Kojeve’s account <strong>of</strong> the warrior developed in his Hegel lectures,<br />

Strauss argued in his 1936 Hobbes book that the Leviathan is meant to restrain<br />

such men. Hobbes’ Leviathan, however, could never have restrained such men<br />

since their chief characteristic (according to Kojeve and Hegel) is their willingness<br />

to die rather than submit. Th e Leviathan might simply kill them all, but who<br />

would do the killing if not other warriors? Hobbes’ argument, in contrast to that<br />

<strong>of</strong> Hegel, Kojeve, and Strauss, seems to depend upon the universal fear <strong>of</strong> violent<br />

death, the strength <strong>of</strong> the sovereign in meting it out, and the continuing fear <strong>of</strong> a<br />

terrifying God in fostering obedience when the sovereign is distant or asleep. Although<br />

to be fair to the more liberal reading <strong>of</strong> Hobbes, the continued rule <strong>of</strong> the<br />

sovereign over a long period <strong>of</strong> time would inevitably routinize human motion<br />

in pathways that minimized confl ict and fostered cooperation. Indeed, the rules<br />

regulating human motion and thus minimizing human collisions could over time<br />

become so well established that the visible force <strong>of</strong> the sovereign and the overarching<br />

terror <strong>of</strong> the omnipotent God could retreat into the background in favor <strong>of</strong><br />

the rule <strong>of</strong> law. Th e operative word here, however, is ‘retreat’ not ‘disappear.’ In<br />

Hobbes’ view even in a settled society with a population habituated to act in selfinterested<br />

but cooperative ways, the absolute power <strong>of</strong> the sovereign is essential to<br />

peace and prosperity.<br />

115. MacDuff makes this point in Macbeth 4.3.50–100.

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