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Theological Origins of Modernity

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178 chapter six<br />

interpretations <strong>of</strong> his dream(s). Th e fi rst school believes that he faithfully<br />

(and almost immediately) described what transpired that night. Even<br />

among this group there are those like Freud who believe that there is little<br />

to be learned from this account because no one can interpret the dream<br />

except the dreamer. What we can know thus comes only from Descartes’<br />

own interpretation <strong>of</strong> the dream. Other, more daring interpreters believe<br />

that they can decipher the meaning <strong>of</strong> the dream symbols even if Descartes<br />

does not explain them. For them the dreams reveal the deep intentionality<br />

behind Cartesian science, not always clear even to Descartes himself.<br />

A second school believes that the account <strong>of</strong> the dreams is invented<br />

whole cloth or is such a complete reworking <strong>of</strong> the dream experience that<br />

it needs to be treated as a literary creation. Watson has persuasively argued<br />

that the specifi c details <strong>of</strong> the dream(s) were invented by Baillet and<br />

that succeeding generations <strong>of</strong> Descartes scholars have accepted them<br />

as genuine out <strong>of</strong> a burning desire to have some insight into Descartes’<br />

real motives. 40 Others accept the details as Cartesian but believe that the<br />

dream story is merely a method for Descartes to present opinions that are<br />

either politically or theologically suspect. Scholars who support this reading<br />

point to the fact that there was an existing tradition <strong>of</strong> using dream<br />

accounts in this manner in both Latin literature and the Hermetic tradition.<br />

41 Cicero’s famous “Dream <strong>of</strong> Scipio” is only the best known <strong>of</strong> these<br />

examples and one with which Descartes was undoubtedly familiar as a<br />

result <strong>of</strong> his Jesuit education.<br />

In order to come to terms with the importance <strong>of</strong> the dream story<br />

told in the Olympica, it is necessary to understand more fully the structure<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Little Notebook <strong>of</strong> which it is a part. Descartes began the Little<br />

Notebook aft er leaving Holland (imitating Beeckman who kept a similar<br />

notebook). Its fi rst page is dated January 1, 1619, and it was written over<br />

a number <strong>of</strong> months and contained many incomplete sections, but it was<br />

clearly important to Descartes since he retained it for over thirty years,<br />

and it was found among his papers when he died in 1650. Th e manuscript,<br />

as Chanut describes it, is very complicated with diff erent texts on diff erent<br />

sides <strong>of</strong> the page, some written upside down. As a result <strong>of</strong> the thoughtful<br />

reconstruction by Cole (drawing on Gouhier), we now know that what<br />

Descartes almost certainly did was write on one side <strong>of</strong> the paper until it<br />

was full then turn the book over and write on the other side. Th e manuscript<br />

thus contained seven parts. On one side there were four sections,<br />

Parnassus (18 sheets <strong>of</strong> mathematical considerations), untitled considerations<br />

on the sciences (2 pages), untitled algebra (1/2 page), and Democritica<br />

(a few lines <strong>of</strong> text), and on the other side three sections, Praeambula

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