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Theological Origins of Modernity

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220 chapter seven<br />

prisingly reminiscent <strong>of</strong> the Calvinism <strong>of</strong> his youth, although transformed<br />

in important ways by his materialism. 39 Th e Queen Mother was already<br />

angry about the publication <strong>of</strong> De cive, and, aft er the Leviathan appeared,<br />

banned him from court. He seems to have thought the Anglicans would<br />

see the work as a powerful argument for episcopal government, but even<br />

royalist Anglicans such as Payne, who had admired De cive, thought Leviathan<br />

was dangerous because it was fi deistic. 40 Hammond called it “a<br />

farrago <strong>of</strong> Christian atheism.” 41 Th e fi rst two parts <strong>of</strong> the book were not<br />

so disturbing, although they pushed claims for reason further than many<br />

Christians were willing to go. Th e last two sections, however, were especially<br />

threatening, not because they were anti-Christian but because their<br />

scriptural theology was both heterodox and persuasive. 42<br />

Hobbes may already have planned his return to England, and he fl ed<br />

there in 1651, when French Catholics moved to have him arrested. Settling<br />

in London, he again came into contact with Charles Cavendish and was<br />

soon back in the employment <strong>of</strong> Devonshire. 43 He renewed friendships<br />

with John Seldon, Ben Jonson, Samuel Cowper, John Vaughan, and William<br />

Harvey and was drawn into to freethinking circles that included men<br />

such as Th omas White.<br />

Th e uproar over Leviathan, however, would not go away. In 1654 Hobbes<br />

was drawn into a debate with the Bishop Bramhall over liberty and necessity<br />

<strong>of</strong> the will. Bramhall was an Arminian and an ally <strong>of</strong> Staff ord and<br />

Laud. 44 Th e debate began as a private discussion but became a vitriolic<br />

public debate when the initial discussions were published without permission<br />

by one <strong>of</strong> Hobbes’ supporters. Th is debate recapitulates in many ways<br />

the debate between Luther and Erasmus, as well as Hobbes’ earlier debate<br />

with Descartes in the Objections and Replies to the Meditations. Bramhall<br />

argued that human beings have a free will that they must use to respond<br />

to divine grace. Hobbes maintained that everything happens as the result<br />

<strong>of</strong> God’s predestining will, the same position that Luther and Calvin defended,<br />

but he supplemented this theological assertion with the claim that<br />

this divine will operates in the world according to sheer mechanical causality.<br />

Bramhall was deeply disturbed, but more because <strong>of</strong> Hobbes’ Calvinism<br />

than his materialism. 45 He also rejected the view <strong>of</strong> divine omnipotence<br />

that underlay Hobbes’ notion <strong>of</strong> predestination, asserting he would<br />

rather be a heretic than admit the absoluteness <strong>of</strong> God’s creative power. 46<br />

Hobbes too worried that the doctrine <strong>of</strong> predestination might lead to atheism<br />

or despair. 47 However, he tried to show that the absence <strong>of</strong> free will did<br />

not mean that humans had no responsibility for their actions. In his view<br />

human beings are not blamed for choosing to do what they wrongly desire

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