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Theological Origins of Modernity

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humanism and the apotheosis <strong>of</strong> man 75<br />

Dioigi <strong>of</strong> Borgo San Sepolcro and Luigi Marsili who were well acquainted<br />

with nominalism. 21<br />

Even if one rejects the notion that Petrarch was shaped by or was responding<br />

to nominalist thought, there is no question about the infl uence<br />

<strong>of</strong> nominalism on later humanist thought. Th e parallels are obvious. 22<br />

Ontologically, both nominalism and humanism reject realism in favor <strong>of</strong><br />

individualism. Both also reject syllogistic logic. Th e nominalists seek to<br />

replace it with a logic <strong>of</strong> names or terms. Humanists turn to rhetoric. 23<br />

Th eologically, both portray God as radically omnipotent and consequently<br />

reject rational theology in favor <strong>of</strong> Scripture. 24 Both also draw heavily on<br />

Augustine. Cosmologically, both see the world not as an immutable natural<br />

order but as a chaos <strong>of</strong> individual bodies in motion. Finally, both see<br />

human beings not as rational animals but as individual willing beings. 25<br />

In the political realm, they both also sought to develop more republican<br />

theories <strong>of</strong> authority. 26 All <strong>of</strong> these similarities, however, might be simply<br />

accidental. Moreover, there are real and important diff erences between<br />

humanism and nominalism in all <strong>of</strong> their diff erent forms and permutations.<br />

To understand the connection <strong>of</strong> humanism and Christianity we<br />

thus need to examine the development <strong>of</strong> humanism more carefully.<br />

Humanism from the beginning was a strange construction <strong>of</strong> what at<br />

times seemed to be incommensurable parts. Th e admiration <strong>of</strong> pagan antiquity,<br />

<strong>of</strong> its moral and political heroes, its art and philosophy, its tragic<br />

literature and rhetorical practices was not easily compatible with original<br />

sin, the adoration <strong>of</strong> martyrs, monastic withdrawal, Christian charity, the<br />

preeminence <strong>of</strong> Scripture, or asceticism, and it was always a struggle to<br />

hold the two together. As we saw in the last chapter, Petrarch admired<br />

and praised the vita activa and the virtues needed to sustain it, but he also<br />

recognized the virtues <strong>of</strong> the vita contemplativa practiced by the monks<br />

and developed a new vision <strong>of</strong> a secular private life with its own leisure for<br />

contemplation and creation. He thus sought to combine the active political<br />

life <strong>of</strong> the heroic Romans he so admired with the Augustinian Christianity<br />

he found so compelling. He was critical <strong>of</strong> corruption in the church, but<br />

he saw the source <strong>of</strong> this corruption not in Christian doctrine or in the institutional<br />

structures <strong>of</strong> the church but in the weakness <strong>of</strong> human nature.<br />

He also doubted that human beings could live entirely secular lives. While<br />

he asserted in his most secular work, Remedies for Fortune Fair and Foul,<br />

that reason could play an important role in ameliorating human diffi culties,<br />

he also recognized that the solution to earthly problems could not<br />

be separated from the question <strong>of</strong> salvation. Finally, although he admired<br />

noble men such as Scipio and Cato, he never forgot that they were pagans,

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