Governor-General proposing the person in question (an Australian citizen since the Second World War)for formal ratification by the Crown. The Governor-General’s term of office lasts five years, and they canbe re-elected only once. Apart from assuming protocol duties, they also play a significant role asrepresentatives of the Australian State, and as lea<strong>de</strong>rs of public opinion and consensus building,particularly in view of the major issues affecting society. The party or coalition that obtains the majority inthe House of Representatives, even if they are in a minority in the Senate, makes up the government. It ispresi<strong>de</strong>d by the head of the winning political force, in his/her capacity as the Prime Minister. This PMappoints the cabinet, which has to be ratified by the Governor-General. The House of Representatives isrenewed every three years by a simple majority system, the Prime Minister being entitled to bring forwardthe elections; on the other hand, members of the Senate are elected every six years, by a proportionalrepresentation system, with one-half renewed every three years.Over the 105 years that have passed since the creation of the Parliament, there was only one conflict ofpowers, in 1975, when Governor-General John Kerr <strong>de</strong>ci<strong>de</strong>d to revoke the commission of the Labor PartyPrime Minister Gough Whitlam. The latter had failed to obtain the passing of the budget bill by the Senate,where he was part of the minority. Once the <strong>de</strong>cision was ma<strong>de</strong>, the Governor-General appointed theopposition lea<strong>de</strong>r, the liberal Malcolm Frazer, as caretaker Prime Minister. Immediately after that, he<strong>de</strong>ci<strong>de</strong>d to dissolve the Parliament and call a general election in which the liberal-national coalitionpresi<strong>de</strong>d by Frazer obtained an overwhelming majority.The abovementioned institutional problem led political parties to reach an un<strong>de</strong>rstanding for the futureregarding the Senate passing or not blocking bills relating revenues and expenditures, providing these hadalready been passed by the House of Representatives.The stability of the political system and the British administrative and judicial structure inherited fromcolonial times helped to establish a governmental system and a stable professional bureaucracy whoprovi<strong>de</strong>s it with technical and advisory support and helps implement political <strong>de</strong>cisions. This bureaucracycomprises the entirety of the staff of the ministries and government organisms, works jointly withministerial political cabinets, which are mostly reduced and advise ministers on their legislative duties andin matters of specific political actions of the government.2. ArgentinaArgentina’s experience stems from a different reality. In<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce was not the result of an evolution butrather the product of political and military confrontation with Spain, which <strong>de</strong>man<strong>de</strong>d all kinds of sacrificesin terms of both human and economic resources. From the very beginning, the new nation was faced withtwo conceptions, a centralising or Unitarian one, hea<strong>de</strong>d by Buenos Aires, and a fe<strong>de</strong>ral one, supportedby most provinces, which espoused different points of view, both on political and economic grounds, giventhe different productive structures and regional comparative advantages. Therefore, it is not surprising thatthe lea<strong>de</strong>rship of Buenos Aires, after severing links to the Spanish metropolis, was regar<strong>de</strong>d withsuspicion from the interior of the country. The differences that existed in the first two <strong>de</strong>ca<strong>de</strong>s afterin<strong>de</strong>pen<strong>de</strong>nce in 1810 were settled by cyclical political and military struggles and later on by a toughdictatorship, which did not end until almost the 1850s. The mo<strong>de</strong>rn institutions of the country actuallystarted with the signing of the San Nicolas Agreement in 1852, the National Constitution in 1853 and theincorporation of the province of Buenos Aires into the new Republic of Argentina in 1870.The selective voting system for the election of the Presi<strong>de</strong>nt, members of the House of Representativesand Senate was abandoned in 1912 with the enactment of the Saenz Peña Law, which established theuniversal male suffrage by secret ballot. This happened more than a <strong>de</strong>ca<strong>de</strong> after the inauguration of theAustralian Parliament and the incorporation of women into the political life of Australia. The constitutionalgovernments in Argentina succee<strong>de</strong>d one another without interruption for 77 years, but in 1930, thiscontinuity was interrupted by a military coup which marked the beginning of a long period of politicalinstability (53 years) marked by frequent coups d’état. The <strong>de</strong> facto governments alternated in power withthe elected ones, who ruled un<strong>de</strong>r the pressure exerted by the military. Women’s right to vote was notgranted until enacted into law by Congress in September 1947.
Not surprisingly, the instability that followed the 1930 constitutional breakdown had an impact on theinstitutional organisation, particularly on the <strong>de</strong>sign and implementation of policies, civil liberties, civicbehaviour, the role of the state, the <strong>de</strong>gree of professionalism and stability in civil service and the country’sintegration into the international community. The change from one government to the next and theirfrequently antagonistic goals and actions un<strong>de</strong>rmined popular trust and ero<strong>de</strong>d the bureaucracy, whichfailed to establish itself as the administrative and advisory support for the management of public affairs.The State started to gradually lose its role as a mediator between social <strong>de</strong>mands and the interests ofeconomic actors, a situation that was particularly grave during the last <strong>de</strong> facto government, between 1976and 1983, which brought about serious long and mid-term consequences for institutions, society and theeconomic <strong>de</strong>velopment of the country.The reconstruction of <strong>de</strong>mocracy beginning toward the end of 1983 has been complex and painful giventhe constraints imposed by the <strong>de</strong>terioration of the productive structure and the bur<strong>de</strong>n of the foreign <strong>de</strong>btaccrued during the military government, apart from the persistence of pressures on the civil sector by themilitary until well into the nineties. Notwithstanding these circumstances, and in spite of the seriouseconomic crises of 1989 and 2001, the <strong>de</strong>mocratic system was able to face the situation and live up toexpectations that the country’s governance would be restored. Over the years that followed the economiccrisis of late 2001 and part of 2002, the power of the state became more established and grew in strengthto face the challenges related to institutional rebuilding and mo<strong>de</strong>rnisation, governmental efficacy,economic recovery and the search for social equality.c) Economic evolution1. The Open Tra<strong>de</strong> Mo<strong><strong>de</strong>l</strong>As from the second half of the nineteenth century, two events give rise worldwi<strong>de</strong> to the generation of a<strong>de</strong>velopment mo<strong><strong>de</strong>l</strong> based on the exploitation of the comparative advantages of the production of rawmaterials.On the one hand, we find the consolidation of the colonised and emancipated territories as markets,joining international commerce with policies characterised by the absence or limited <strong>de</strong>gree of barriers.On the other hand, in industrialised countries, the second industrial revolution takes place, characterisedby its international projection. Technical progress <strong>de</strong>rived from capital accumulation in the manufacturingindustry allows for production levels beyond the capacity of national consumption and requires a greatermarket to persist. At the same time, the growth in economic activity does not parallel the geometric growthrate of productivity as a consequence of technical progress, generating chronic domestic excess labour,worsened by the flow of unemployed population from the agricultural sector, whose costs make it unableto compete with import substitutes.The policy of raw material import liberalisation is, on the one hand, instrumental to lowering the cost ofliving in central countries, favouring the containment of labour costs’ inci<strong>de</strong>nce on industrial costs and,thus, the accumulation of capital. On the other hand, the purchasing power such said policy generates inthe new exporting territories gives rise to new poles, able to absorb the manufactured goods from thecentres and to attract, through emigration, their excess labour.The economy of the United Kingdom provi<strong>de</strong>d the foundation on which the above-mentioned mo<strong><strong>de</strong>l</strong> wasbased; by the year 1900 the UK was absorbing 18% of world exports, mainly food and raw materials, andacting as the axis of the multilateral payments system. To the UK, this meant an abundance of financialresources, which were channelled as loans and investment for the <strong>de</strong>velopment of foreign-tra<strong>de</strong>-relatedinfrastructure and services in countries exporting raw materials.Another important factor was given by the parallel increase in the <strong>de</strong>mand for both manufactured goodsand raw materials, growing from a starting point marked by a low income level in central countries which
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Revista del CEIComercio Exterior e
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SUMARIOCOYUNTURA COMERCIALEstructur
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PresentaciónLa sección de coyuntu
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G r á f i c o 3Diversificación de
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Las exportaciones de productos prim
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Relacionado con la evolución que v
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Vinculado al fuerte crecimiento que
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Este efecto fue revertido principal
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Aun así, merecen destacarse al men
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Cuadro A 1Evolución del saldo de b
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Cuadro A 4Exportaciones e índice d
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Cuadro A 6Saldo de balanza comercia
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las exportaciones en concepto de vi
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G r á f i c o 3Valor y cambio abso
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como lo son Egipto, Nigeria, Venezu
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G r á f i c o 2Crecimiento de las
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El total exportado también se encu
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Del Cuadro 1 se desprende una asoci
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En el primer semestre del año, el
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Vehículos de navegación aérea, m
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Unidos. En todos los casos menciona
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BibliografíaCastagnino, T. (2006).
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Cuadro A 2G R Á F I C O 1:Exportac
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Cuadro A 4Exportaciones e índice d
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Cuadro A 6Saldo de balanza comercia
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las exportaciones en concepto de vi
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G r á f i c o 3Valor y cambio abso
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Se mantiene eldinamismo del BloqueH
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vez como miembro pleno, en junio tu
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en el primer semestre del año.Las
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septiembre del año pasado un baja
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considera que al cierre del año la
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dólares norteamericanos, asciende
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Ambición y equilibrioen la Ronda D
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3. Resultados mínimos de las conce
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La aplicación de la propuesta menc
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4. La ambición y el equilibrio nec
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El ingreso deVenezuela al Mercosur:
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A 2006 la estructura arancelaria vi
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En principio la Argentina participa
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hubieron otros donde la participaci
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se puede establecer, según datos d
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La otra metodología que se utiliza
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Asimismo, reconoce que la prestaci
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problema debido a que en el Anexo D
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Según lo observado en los procesos
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Trade Facilitation:Definitions, WTO
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