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New Health Promotion Movement 265

suggest that people, individually and through such mediating structures as their

churches and voluntary associations, must do for themselves rather than rely on the

direct services of health and social service professionals to assist them in meeting their

needs (Berger & Neuhaus, 1977; Pilisuk & Minkler, 1986). Although couched in the

language of freeing people by decreasing their dependence on larger societal institutions,

this kind of thinking has been used to justify the withdrawal of needed health

and social services in times of fiscal conservatism (Binney & Estes, 1988; Estes, 1984;

Schwartz, 1990).

Direct services can be empowering to individuals and to communities. A maternal

and child health clinic in a low income neighborhood, for example, not only empowers

individual women and children by ensuring their optimal health — especially if we

think of health as a resource for daily living — it also has the potential to create solidarity

and community among the women who use the services of the clinic. The important

criterion in terms of empowerment is how the direct services are delivered: Are

the women considered as supplicants to or beneficiaries of the service, or are they

regarded as being entitled to good perinatal health because they are members of the

community? Empowerment ideology would dictate the latter.

Much has been written on the importance of health and social services to, what is

essentially, capacity building. In health education and health promotion circles, capacity

building is conceived of as the nurturing of and building upon the strengths,

resources, and problem - solving abilities already present in individuals and communities

(Cottrell, 1983; McKnight, 1987). Community - based support services for family

caregivers of the elderly, for example, may be essential to allowing and enabling family

members to continue to function effectively. Unless such support services are provided,

family support systems may break down, leading to adverse health outcomes as

well as feelings of powerlessness among both the recipients of care and the providers

of this informal support (Gallagher, 1989). Thus, not only may services provided to

individuals and communities be empowering — depending on the ideology of their

provision, as noted above — but services may be essential to maintaining the supportive

capacity of families, networks, and communities (Pilisuk & Minkler, 1986).

This brings us to an examination of another piece of the new health promotion

movement over which there is much ideological confusion and conflict: the notion of

community participation.

RHETORIC AND REALITY OF COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION

Together with the concept of empowerment, it is the notion of community participation

that the new health promotion movement invokes as its defining feature, as what

sets it apart from more traditional individualized approaches to health promotion.

Community participation — sometimes the term public participation is used —represents

the legitimizing concept of the new health promotion movement in terms of both analysis

and intervention. But, probably more than any of the other contested domains

examined in this discussion, the concept of community participation may be the most

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