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Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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The satisfaction theory 95<br />

condition that is not intuitively observable, I will call this the 'proviso<br />

problem'.<br />

The proviso problem arises because what is intuitively speaking<br />

presupposed is often more (or stronger) than what is required to guarantee<br />

local satisfaction of a given presupposition. The problem isn't restricted to<br />

conjunctions but also turns up with conditionals, which isn't so remarkable<br />

since conjunctions <strong>and</strong> conditionals share the same definedness conditions.<br />

Thus, the theory predicts that (12a) presupposes that Fred has a wife, while<br />

(12b) merely presupposes that he has a wife if he hates sonnets:<br />

(12) a. If Fred's wife hates sonnets then his manager does so, too.<br />

b. If Fred hates sonnets then his wife does so, too.<br />

Again, although intuitively both sentences imply that Fred has a wife, the<br />

satisfaction theory straight<strong>for</strong>wardly predicts this <strong>for</strong> (12a) but not <strong>for</strong> (12b),<br />

which is predicted to presuppose merely that the conditional in (9b) is true.<br />

In short, it turns out to be a characteristic of all versions of the satisfaction<br />

theory that <strong>for</strong> a certain range of constructions they deliver predictions that<br />

are too weak. This proviso problem arises, in particular, when a presupposition<br />

is triggered in the consequent of a conditional or in the second<br />

member of a conjunction that occurs in a non-entailed position, <strong>for</strong> example,<br />

in the scope of a negation or a modal operator. The problem isn't restricted<br />

to these environments, however. The local context in which a presupposition<br />

X % arises is given by an expression of the <strong>for</strong>m c[cp

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