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Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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The binding theory 75<br />

an umbrella, <strong>and</strong> this object is salient enough to be picked up by a pronoun;<br />

the same holds, mutatis mut<strong>and</strong>is, <strong>for</strong> (71b).<br />

There is of course a difference between (71a) <strong>and</strong> (71b). The first<br />

statement in (71a) does not entail that Fred brought an umbrella; it merely<br />

implies this. The first statement in (71b), on the other h<strong>and</strong>, does entail that<br />

Fred brought an umbrella. However, I don't see that this difference makes<br />

much of a difference. Although the notion of bridging is often associated<br />

with non-monotonicity, defeasible inference, abduction, <strong>and</strong> so <strong>for</strong>th, there<br />

is no reason <strong>for</strong> supposing that bridging inferences are defeasible by<br />

definition. (71b) is just as much an instance of bridging as (71a) is.<br />

In § 2.3 it was shown how the binding theory can deal with examples like<br />

(72a).<br />

(72) a. Either Fred doesn't have a rabbit or Fred's rabbit is in hiding.<br />

(= (55))<br />

b. Either Fred doesn't have a rabbit or it is in hiding.<br />

The definite NP Fred's rabbit cannot be bound to the reference marker<br />

introduced by a rabbit in the first disjunct, which is inaccessible to it. On the<br />

account I suggested, this means that the pronoun must be construed by way<br />

of accommodation, <strong>and</strong> since global accommodation is excluded by Gricean<br />

constraints on interpretation, the presupposition must be accommodated<br />

locally. Un<strong>for</strong>tunately, this explanation does not carryover to (72b). If it<br />

were possible to accommodate the pronoun in (72a), we would get the<br />

following:<br />

(73) [x, z: Fred x, non-human z,<br />

[: -,[y: ->[y: rabbit y, x owns y]] v [: in-hiding z]]<br />

Here the presupposition triggered by the pronoun, i.e. [z: non-human z], is<br />

accommodated in the main DRS, <strong>and</strong> since this is compatible with the<br />

implicature that the speaker doesn't know if Fred has a rabbit, this reading<br />

should actually be preferred. But, of course, (73) is a most unlikely reading<br />

<strong>for</strong> (72b) to have.<br />

Following Kamp <strong>and</strong> Reyle (1993:187-190), 187-190), I want to suggest that (72b) is<br />

a case of bridging (Kamp <strong>and</strong> Reyle don't use the term 'bridging', but that is<br />

what their proposal amounts to). On this view, (72b) is interpreted, in effect,<br />

as 'Either Fred doesn't have a rabbit or else he does have a rabbit <strong>and</strong> it is in<br />

hiding'. This inference is supported by the fact that, in general, disjunctive<br />

sentences receive an exclusive interpretation. A sentence of the <strong>for</strong>m '

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