Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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The binding theory 75<br />
an umbrella, <strong>and</strong> this object is salient enough to be picked up by a pronoun;<br />
the same holds, mutatis mut<strong>and</strong>is, <strong>for</strong> (71b).<br />
There is of course a difference between (71a) <strong>and</strong> (71b). The first<br />
statement in (71a) does not entail that Fred brought an umbrella; it merely<br />
implies this. The first statement in (71b), on the other h<strong>and</strong>, does entail that<br />
Fred brought an umbrella. However, I don't see that this difference makes<br />
much of a difference. Although the notion of bridging is often associated<br />
with non-monotonicity, defeasible inference, abduction, <strong>and</strong> so <strong>for</strong>th, there<br />
is no reason <strong>for</strong> supposing that bridging inferences are defeasible by<br />
definition. (71b) is just as much an instance of bridging as (71a) is.<br />
In § 2.3 it was shown how the binding theory can deal with examples like<br />
(72a).<br />
(72) a. Either Fred doesn't have a rabbit or Fred's rabbit is in hiding.<br />
(= (55))<br />
b. Either Fred doesn't have a rabbit or it is in hiding.<br />
The definite NP Fred's rabbit cannot be bound to the reference marker<br />
introduced by a rabbit in the first disjunct, which is inaccessible to it. On the<br />
account I suggested, this means that the pronoun must be construed by way<br />
of accommodation, <strong>and</strong> since global accommodation is excluded by Gricean<br />
constraints on interpretation, the presupposition must be accommodated<br />
locally. Un<strong>for</strong>tunately, this explanation does not carryover to (72b). If it<br />
were possible to accommodate the pronoun in (72a), we would get the<br />
following:<br />
(73) [x, z: Fred x, non-human z,<br />
[: -,[y: ->[y: rabbit y, x owns y]] v [: in-hiding z]]<br />
Here the presupposition triggered by the pronoun, i.e. [z: non-human z], is<br />
accommodated in the main DRS, <strong>and</strong> since this is compatible with the<br />
implicature that the speaker doesn't know if Fred has a rabbit, this reading<br />
should actually be preferred. But, of course, (73) is a most unlikely reading<br />
<strong>for</strong> (72b) to have.<br />
Following Kamp <strong>and</strong> Reyle (1993:187-190), 187-190), I want to suggest that (72b) is<br />
a case of bridging (Kamp <strong>and</strong> Reyle don't use the term 'bridging', but that is<br />
what their proposal amounts to). On this view, (72b) is interpreted, in effect,<br />
as 'Either Fred doesn't have a rabbit or else he does have a rabbit <strong>and</strong> it is in<br />
hiding'. This inference is supported by the fact that, in general, disjunctive<br />
sentences receive an exclusive interpretation. A sentence of the <strong>for</strong>m '