Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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50 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />
It will be evident, I trust, that there are significant parallels between the<br />
anaphora <strong>and</strong> the presupposition cases. Van der S<strong>and</strong>t's explanation <strong>for</strong><br />
these parallels is there aren't really two phenomena to begin with: anaphora<br />
is a species of presupposition. 4 In the following pages I will outline how this<br />
hypothesis can be fleshed out so as to account <strong>for</strong> the more straight<strong>for</strong>ward<br />
cases. The less straight<strong>for</strong>ward ones involving modals <strong>and</strong> attitude contexts<br />
will be addressed in later chapters.<br />
Van der S<strong>and</strong>t's theory is an extension of DRT, <strong>and</strong> consists of three<br />
principal claims. The first of these is that anaphora is a species of<br />
presupposition, <strong>and</strong> that the st<strong>and</strong>ard presupposition-inducing expressions<br />
(such as definite NPs, factives, aspectual verbs, <strong>and</strong> so on) differ from<br />
pronominal anaphors mainly in that they possess a richer semantic content.<br />
This difference explains why the st<strong>and</strong>ard presupposition inducers, unlike<br />
anaphoric pronouns, may be interpreted by way of accommodation, which is<br />
the second key notion in the theory. Finally, van der S<strong>and</strong>t assumes that the<br />
process of accommodation is subject to certain constraints.<br />
Formulated in procedural terms, van der S<strong>and</strong>t's theory predicts that if an<br />
utterance contains a presupposition-inducing element, the hearer will<br />
initially attempt to bind the presupposition to a suitable antecedent, just as<br />
he would try to bind an ordinary anaphor. If the presupposition cannot be so<br />
bound, it will be accommodated, i.e. it will be inserted in some accessible<br />
DRS. In general the number of positions at which a presupposition may be<br />
accommodated is greater than one, <strong>and</strong> van der S<strong>and</strong>t proposes that the<br />
choice between these alternative positions is restricted by general constraints<br />
on the pragmatic acceptability of DRSs.<br />
Be<strong>for</strong>e we have a closer look at this theory, I want to settle some<br />
terminological matters. I will call lexical expressions or syntactic<br />
constructions that give rise to presuppositions 'presupposition inducers' or<br />
'presupposition triggers', <strong>and</strong> say that, <strong>for</strong> example, a definite NP 'induces'<br />
or 'triggers' a presupposition. I shall do my best to restrict my use of the term<br />
'presupposition' to pieces of semantic in<strong>for</strong>mation that are triggered by<br />
presupposition inducers in what I will call the 'home DRS' of the<br />
presupposition. Thus, if a definite NP occurs in the consequent of a<br />
conditional, the home DRS of the presupposition triggered by the NP will be<br />
the DRS that corresponds to the consequent of the conditional. This is the<br />
part of my terminology that I shall try to be strict about. No such attempts<br />
will be made regarding the verb 'to presuppose'. Following Stalnaker, I<br />
consider presupposing to be something speakers do, but this will not deter<br />
4<br />
4 Actually, van der S<strong>and</strong>t's (1992) claim is that presuppositions are anaphors, but this is just a<br />
terminological difference. I prefer to reserve the term 'anaphora' <strong>for</strong> referring to a subclass of<br />
presuppositions, <strong>and</strong> associate it with descriptive poverty <strong>and</strong> binding to discourse entities<br />
currently in focus. In van der S<strong>and</strong>t's vocabulary, the term appears to have lost such<br />
connotations. See § 2.5 <strong>for</strong> further discussion.