Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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Names 217<br />
alternative theories of meaning cannot capture this notion. This suggestion<br />
<strong>and</strong> its implication are wrong, because there is no single pre-theoretical<br />
notion of what is said. Intuitions about what is said vary with one's interests.<br />
Two interlocutors uttering (23a, b) may have said the same thing in one sense,<br />
but in another sense they haven't. A theory of lexical semantics may be<br />
expected to explain this shifty behaviour of the verb say, but there is no<br />
reason to require that central concepts in semantic theory (such as 'character'<br />
or 'content') must capture any of our ways of underst<strong>and</strong>ing 'what is said'.<br />
Lewis's objection applies to Kripke's rigidity thesis, too. It is true that there<br />
is a sense in which (22) correctly describes a possible state of affairs in which<br />
Mary happily lives under a different name. But there is also a sense in which<br />
(22) is not correct in such a state of affairs; <strong>for</strong> if someone's name isn't Mary,<br />
it is wrong to call her so. Indeed, it has never been denied, as far as I am<br />
aware, that someone who utters (22) conveys the in<strong>for</strong>mation that Mary is<br />
called Mary. What Kripke denies is merely that this in<strong>for</strong>mation is part of the<br />
meaning of Mary, <strong>and</strong> he suggests that this equally holds <strong>for</strong> the pretheoretical<br />
<strong>and</strong> theoretical notions of meaning. Given the chameleontic<br />
quality of the pre-theoretical notion of meaning, it is pointless to disagree<br />
with the first half of this claim; but the second half is false, in my view.<br />
Still, why is it that names usually, though not invariably, appear to be<br />
rigid9 9 This is a legitimate question, even if we mustn't presuppose that the<br />
intuition of rigidity is a direct reflection of the semantics of proper names.<br />
My answer to this question is not a new one. It has been given, independently<br />
pre-<br />
it seems, by several reliable sources, including Sommers (1982), Bach (1987),<br />
<strong>and</strong> Fodor (1987).1 100<br />
Of these, Fodor's version comes closest to the<br />
<strong>for</strong>mulation that I prefer:<br />
The course of wisdom would be to reiterate the moral -— viz., that<br />
names are a hard problem <strong>for</strong> everybody -— <strong>and</strong> then to shut up<br />
<strong>and</strong> leave it alone. Still, how about this: 'Cicero' <strong>and</strong> 'Tully' are<br />
synonymous but differ in presupposition. [...] Then 'Cicero was<br />
wet' says, in effect, that he was wet <strong>and</strong> presupposes that he was<br />
called 'Cicero'. 'Tully was wet' says that he was wet too, but it<br />
presupposes that he was called 'Tully'. 'Cicero is Tully' is<br />
in<strong>for</strong>mative because, although it doesn't say that the guy who was<br />
called 'Cicero' was called 'Tully', it "carries the in<strong>for</strong>mation" that<br />
he was. (Fodor 1987: 85)<br />
9<br />
9 It should always be kept in mind that names aren't always rigid, as several of the data<br />
discussed in the <strong>for</strong>egoing have shown. This observation already suggests that the intuition of<br />
rigidity calls <strong>for</strong> a pragmatic explanation, not a semantic one.<br />
10 10 More accurately: it seems to me that the intuition underlying the answers given by these<br />
authors is the same in each case, although strictly speaking their proposals are incompatible<br />
with one another.