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Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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172 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />

This analysis shows how an anaphoric pronoun in a want context can pick up<br />

its antecedent from a believe context. Similarly, in (72a) the presupposition<br />

that Fred's wife is given to drink, which is triggered by the aspectual verb<br />

stop, is bound in the belief context in the antecedent.<br />

(72) a. If Fred believes that his wife has taken to drink again, then he<br />

will want her to stop drinking.<br />

b. If Fred's wife has taken to drink again, then he will want her to<br />

stop drinking.<br />

In (72b), on the other h<strong>and</strong>, the same presupposition is bound in the<br />

antecedent of the conditional, <strong>and</strong> this is predicted, too, since a want context<br />

is the same type of entity as a believe context, <strong>and</strong> we have seen already that<br />

the theory allows presuppositions to escape from such contexts. By the same<br />

token, it is predicted that, if a presupposition triggered in a want context<br />

cannot be bound, it will be accommodated, which means, as a rule, that it is<br />

accommodated globally. This is correct, too, as witness examples like the<br />

following:<br />

(73) Fred wants his wife to stop drinking.<br />

Under normal circumstances, this will be taken to imply that, according to<br />

the speaker, Fred's wife has been drinking, which is what I predict.<br />

We have seen that Heim's theory cannot account <strong>for</strong> presupposition<br />

filtering in want-want sequences (§ 5.2). Mine can. To To illustrate this, suppose<br />

that the discourse in (71a) is is continued with an utterance of (74a). Our initial<br />

DRS will then be as in (74b), which consists of (7lf) (71f) incremented with the<br />

in<strong>for</strong>mation furnished by the new sentence:<br />

(74) a. And he (Kurt) wants to dedicate it (the book) to Professor<br />

Muller. Mtiller.<br />

b. [p,p',q',r,r': p', q/, X, r/:<br />

K believes p & p', p' = p+[x: ghost x, x shadows K],<br />

K prefers p<br />

'/ q/, q', q' = p/+[y: p'+[y: book y, K writes y about x],<br />

K considers r, r. K prefers r r', r' = r+[z;: r+[z: K dedicates z to PM]]<br />

In (74a) the neuter pronoun in in the scope of want is is anaphoric on a book in<br />

(71a). (74a) presupposes that there is a set of indexed worlds which is<br />

compatible with the doxastic alternatives that are open to Kurt, <strong>and</strong> the DRS<br />

in (74b) offers three possible antecedents <strong>for</strong> this presupposition. However,<br />

there will be no suitable antecedent <strong>for</strong> it unless r picks up q', q/, which makes<br />

available y as an antecedent <strong>for</strong> z. The binding theory predicts that the latter<br />

alternative will be preferred, which yields the representation in (74c), or,<br />

equivalently but slightly more succinctly, (74d):

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