Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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The binding theory 55 line, presupposition projection will have to be implemented by means of transformations on DRSs.7 7 (38) a. Ada will not eat mud again. b. [1 [j x: Ada x, 'b -i[ 2 : x will eat mud, x has been eating mud]] c. [j x: x has been eating mud, Ada x, ->[ 2 : x will eat mud]] c. b x: x has been eating mud, Ada x, ·b : x will eat mud]] In (38a), the particle again triggers the presupposition that Ada has been eating mud (before some given date), which will be accommodated in the principal DRS, as shown in (38c). If initially this presupposition is contained in its home DRS, accommodation requires that we delete it from its home DRS and insert it in the main DRS. This is the procedure that was adopted in earlier implementations of the theory (van der Sandt 1992, Geurts 1995). However, there is an alternative procedure, which at least from a technical point of view is more elegant. We can use so-called 'underspecified' DRSs to represent the connection between a presupposition and the place where it is triggered. 8 On this account, instead of saying that the presupposition [: x has been eating mud] is contained in (38b 2 ), we merely say that it is contained in a DRS that is accessible to (38b 2 ), which in this case comes down to saying that it is part of either (38bj) l ) or (38b 2 ). The advantage will be clear: in order to get from (38b) to (38c) we merely have to add that the presupposition is contained in (38b!). 1 We don't have to delete parts of the initial DRS. In general, if we use underspecified DRS to represent presuppositions, we can implement projection as a strictly incremental process, which only adds information. It may be that, from a technical point of view, these two ways of linking presuppositions to their home DRSs are about equally complex; for although the underspecification view makes for a neater formulation of the construction component, maintaining underspecified DRSs is not as simple as one might hope. Nonetheless I tend to favour the underspecification view for conceptual reasons. If we adopt the transformational approach, presuppositions are thought of as entities that arise in one site and thence migrate to another. If we adopt the underspecification approach, on the other hand, presuppositions don't move in any sense, and it seems to me that this picture is to be preferred, if only because it seems to be more realistic from an intuitive point of view. In the following I will nonetheless continue to pretend as if presuppositions are moved about, just because I find this a convenient manner of speaking. But I should like to stress that this is a manner of speaking only, because the 7 7 Beaver (1997) apparently assumes that this transformational approach is inherent to the binding theory. This is not the case, as we will presently see. 8 See Reyle (1993) for an underspecified version of DRT.
56 Presuppositions and Pronouns foregoing considerations show that the binding theory does not require that presuppositions be viewed as movable objects. The next task on the agenda is to define what it means for a presupposition to be bound or accommodated. Following van der Sandt, I prefer to take a somewhat narrow-minded view on these notions, and keep them separate from considerations having to do with coherence, plausibility, and so on. I will later present some arguments in support of this view, but for the time being it is important to keep in mind that I use the terms 'binding' and, in particular, 'accommodation' in a more austere sense than some other people have done. If a presupposition x X is bound, then the reference markers in U(x) U (X) are linked to reference markers in Acc((p),
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Presuppositions and Pronouns
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PRESUPPOSITIONS AND PRONOUNS Bart G
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Current Research in the Semantics/P
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To Julia
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Contents PREFACE xi 1 PRESUPPOSITIO
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Preface In his thumbnail sketch of
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xiii presuppositions already involv
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CHAPTER 1 Presupposition The phenom
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Presupposition 3 c. If Barney has s
Page 20 and 21: Presupposition 5 apply to their int
Page 22 and 23: Presupposition 17 sentences in (15)
Page 24 and 25: Presupposition 9 there is a way of
Page 26 and 27: Presupposition 11 judgment of the f
Page 28 and 29: Presupposition 13 that requires a m
Page 30 and 31: Presupposition 15 b. If Barney took
Page 32 and 33: Presupposition 17 conditionals have
Page 34 and 35: Presupposition 19 pizzeria in the V
Page 36 and 37: Presupposition 21 recipient of this
Page 38 and 39: Presupposition 23 (45) Fred's wife
Page 40 and 41: Presupposition 25 (51) [the x: King
Page 42 and 43: Presupposition 27 readings in terms
Page 44 and 45: Presupposition 29 actually has a nu
Page 46 and 47: Presupposition 31 describes a trans
Page 48 and 49: Presupposition 33 of this complexit
Page 50 and 51: CHAPTER 2 The binding theory Althou
Page 52 and 53: The binding theory 37 b. [y,.w: [v,
Page 54 and 55: The binding theory 39 correlated wi
Page 56 and 57: The binding theory 41 (10) a. Eithe
Page 58 and 59: The binding theory 43 The content o
Page 60 and 61: d. j [.
Page 62 and 63: The binding theory 47 apply. Soames
Page 64 and 65: The binding theory 49 Disjunction '
Page 66 and 67: The binding theory 51 me from sayin
Page 68 and 69: The binding theory 53 (35) a. [u, v
Page 72 and 73: The binding theory 57 We are now al
Page 74 and 75: The binding theory 59 interpretatio
Page 76 and 77: The binding theory 61 accommodation
Page 78 and 79: The binding theory 63 sentence (i.e
Page 80 and 81: The binding theory 65 In the preced
Page 82 and 83: The binding theory 67 presuppositio
Page 84 and 85: The binding theory 69 Our procedure
Page 86 and 87: The binding theory 71 c. (Esker too
Page 88 and 89: The binding theory 73 (67) The doct
Page 90 and 91: The binding theory 75 an umbrella,
Page 92 and 93: The binding theory 77 and although
Page 94 and 95: The binding theory 79 any given pre
Page 96 and 97: The binding theory 81 marker x in t
Page 98 and 99: The binding theory 83 In the versio
Page 100 and 101: The binding theory 85 (88) a. Did y
Page 102 and 103: CHAPTER 3 The satisfaction theory C
Page 104 and 105: The satisfaction theory 89 Accordin
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Page 108 and 109: The satisfaction theory 93 (7) Eith
Page 110 and 111: The satisfaction theory 95 conditio
Page 112 and 113: The satisfaction theory 97 § 3.4 a
Page 114 and 115: The satisfaction theory 99 merely p
Page 116 and 117: The satisfaction theory 101 All I h
Page 118 and 119: The satisfaction theory 103 I belie
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The satisfaction theory 105 Karttun
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The satisfaction theory 107 implies
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The satisfaction theory 109 enterta
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The satisfaction theory 111 manner.
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The satisfaction theory 113 trigger
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CHAPTER 4 Dynamic semantics The dif
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Dynamic semantics 117 the existenti
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Dynamic semantics 119 taken serious
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Dynamic semantics 121 phenomena suc
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Dynamic semantics 123 implementatio
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Dynamic semantics 125 number of pos
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Dynamic semantics 127 having to ass
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Dynamic semantics 129 Here anaphora
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Dynamic semantics 131 (19) a. Eithe
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CHAPTERS 5 Attitude reports Althoug
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Attitude reports 135 believe, but n
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Attitude reports 137 Presupposition
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Attitude reports 139 (11) Hob think
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Attitude reports 141 have chosen to
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Attitude reports 143 For the verb w
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Attitude reports 145 he has a son,
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Attitude reports 147 all obvious th
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Attitude reports 149 common sense n
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Attitude reports 151 (34) a. There
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Attitude reports 153 (39) a. [x, y,
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Attitude reports 155 c. c - [
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Attitude reports 157 (46b) involves
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Attitude reports 159 5.5 Presupposi
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Attitude reports 161 I have said th
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Attitude reports 163 The first pres
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Attitude reports 165 This argument
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Attitude reports 167 It may sometim
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Attitude reports 169 there is a boy
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Attitude reports 171 and asserts of
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Attitude reports 173 (74) c. [p,p',
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CHAPTER 6 Modals As it stands, the
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Modals 177 111 can be dealt with by
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Modals 179 means that the material
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Modals 181 (13) a. Either it is in
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Modals 183 It is difficult to link
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Modals 185 Assuming just that modal
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Modals 187 g(q') S(q') = {(v,j) { E
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Modals 189 b. Nobody turned up at B
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Modals 191 q. Thus our theory impli
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Modals 193 The discourse in (39) is
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Modals 195 On the Kratzer/Lewis ana
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Modals 197 bound and is therefore a
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Modals 199 that the first sentence
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CHAPTER 7 Names What could be simpl
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Names 203 had scope but will also t
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Names 205 why use this word when a
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Names 207 Although it is always har
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Names 209 apparent difficulties, ca
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Names 211 have names; some of these
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Names 213 is (14c). Hence, on the p
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Names 215 that he himself might hav
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Names 217 alternative theories of m
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Names 219 Since John treats anaphor
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Names 221 NPs, and in doing so he b
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References Asher, N. 1986: Belief i
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References 225 Grice, H.P. 1975: Lo
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References 227 Levinson, S.c. S.C.
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References 229 Zeevat, H. 1989a: A
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Subject index accessibility: 38-39,
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Index of names Asher, N. xiii, 37,1
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