Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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Presupposition 17<br />
conditionals have the same projection profile because both types of<br />
statement affect their contexts in two consecutive steps.<br />
This is Stalnaker's pragmatic account of presupposition projection. Like<br />
the wheel, it is based on a simple but compelling idea, <strong>and</strong> it is just too good<br />
to be wrong. There are two aspects of Stalnaker's theory that I want to<br />
emphasize. First, it is a pragmatic theory. Sentences don't change contexts;<br />
they don't do anything. It is speakers who employ sentences to change the<br />
context. This distinction is an important one because the past two decades<br />
have witnessed the rise of a paradigm, inaugurated by Heim's (1982, 1983)<br />
work on anaphora <strong>and</strong> presupposition, which incorporates Stalnaker's<br />
insights by casting them in a semantical mould. These developments will be<br />
discussed at length in later chapters, but I should like to note be<strong>for</strong>eh<strong>and</strong><br />
that, although they were inspired by Stalnaker's work, they depart from his<br />
intentions in a quite radical way. By contrast, the theory that I advocate<br />
remains loyal to Stalnaker's concept of speaker presupposition.<br />
The second point that bears emphasizing is that on Stalnaker's account of<br />
presupposition projection, it need not be assumed that presuppositions are<br />
cancellable. We have seen that a presupposition triggered in the consequent<br />
of a conditional seems to disappear if it is entailed by the antecedent, <strong>and</strong> it<br />
is sometimes said that in such cases presuppositions are eliminated or<br />
cancelled. In some theories of projection this is not merely a manner of<br />
speaking, since they require that presuppositions are literally cancellable. 9<br />
On Stalnaker's account presuppositions are never cancelled. If they<br />
sometimes seem to disappear it is because they may be satisfied by a local<br />
context. Thus, if q> cp entails X, %, the presupposition triggered in 'if q> (p then ",{X}' X|/{%}'<br />
seems to 'disappear' because in the intermediate context in which ",{X} \\f{%} is<br />
evaluated it is already given that X % is is true. Nowadays it it is is widely, though not<br />
universally, agreed that this view is correct, <strong>and</strong> that, strictly speaking,<br />
presuppositions can never be cancelled.<br />
In the following chapters, I present a theory which is based on Stalnaker's<br />
insight that presuppositions are pieces of in<strong>for</strong>mation which are taken to be<br />
given, either in the main context or in some local context. However, what I<br />
have to offer is not just a theory of presupposition but a unified account of<br />
presupposition <strong>and</strong> anaphora. That is to say, in the following I will adopt <strong>and</strong><br />
elaborate upon van der S<strong>and</strong>t's (1987, 1992) hypothesis that anaphora is a<br />
species of presupposition. This hypothesis will be discussed at some length in<br />
the next chapter; the following examples merely are to give it some initial<br />
plausibility:<br />
(36) a. Fred cheated at the exam, <strong>and</strong> he regrets {it/that he cheated at<br />
the exam}.<br />
9<br />
9 Theories that require presuppositions to be defeasible have been proposed by Karttunen<br />
(1973a), Gazdar (1979), van der S<strong>and</strong>t (1988), Mercer (1992), <strong>and</strong> many others.