Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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22 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />
Note, by contrast, that the presupposition that a group of girls is contextually<br />
given, which is triggered by the definite NP the girls, will go through no<br />
matter what.<br />
For good measure, here are some further examples that demonstrate how<br />
presuppositions <strong>and</strong> implicatures diverge:<br />
(43) Wilma hopes that }<br />
Wilma doubts that. .<br />
Wilma<br />
Can doubts<br />
tell that ·f<br />
if<br />
Fred kissed some of the girls. gIrlS.<br />
C you t e 11 me I<br />
Let's go <strong>and</strong> see if<br />
According to my intuitions, none of these sentences definitely imply that<br />
Fred didn't kiss all the girls, <strong>and</strong> at least some of them definitely don't imply<br />
this. By contrast, each of these sentences clearly implies, in the absence of<br />
evidence to the contrary, that there were girls. <strong>Presuppositions</strong> show<br />
projection behaviour; implicatures do nothing of the sort.<br />
If it cannot be shown that conversational implicatures are liable to escape<br />
from embedded positions, as presuppositions are, then a <strong>for</strong>tiori it cannot be<br />
shown that they are blocked or suspended under some circumstances. Cases<br />
like the following, <strong>for</strong> example, do not show that some implicatures exhibit<br />
projection behaviour:<br />
(44) a. The water is warm, <strong>and</strong> perhaps even hot.<br />
b. The water is warm. In fact, it is hot.<br />
c. The water is warm, if not hot.<br />
Horn (1989: 234-235) makes a distinction between implicature blockers <strong>and</strong><br />
implicature suspenders. In (44a) an implicature is blocked, according to<br />
Horn: in this case the speaker explicitly conveys that, <strong>for</strong> all he knows, the<br />
water may be hot, <strong>and</strong> there<strong>for</strong>e the implicature that the water is not hot,<br />
which would normally be licensed by the use of the scalar adjective warm, is<br />
blocked. In (44b) this implicature is suspended: the first sentence licenses the<br />
implicature, but it is removed by the second statement, which contradicts it.<br />
Finally, (44c) is ambiguous <strong>and</strong> may be construed as an instance either of<br />
suspension or blocking. In the <strong>for</strong>mer case, the speaker is taken to convey<br />
that he doesn't know if the water is hot; in the latter, his statement implies<br />
that the water is not hot.<br />
Judging from the way he describes what is going on in (44a-c), Horn must<br />
be assuming that the quantity implicature induced by warm exhibits<br />
projection behaviour. But it doesn't really. Consider (44b) first. Here the<br />
implicature is licensed by a simple sentence, only to be cancelled by the next<br />
statement. This could never happen to a presupposition. Compare (44b)<br />
with: