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Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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24 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />

1.4 Projection vs. scope<br />

In<strong>for</strong>mally, presuppositions may be described as interpretative elements that<br />

prefer to take wide scope. This is a sloppy way of speaking because<br />

presupposition projection has nothing to do with scope as grammarians<br />

employ that notion. Presupposition projection <strong>and</strong> scope taking are<br />

phenomena that must be clearly distinguished, although they interact in<br />

various ways. In this section I will concentrate on the first point, <strong>and</strong> attempt<br />

to show that the two phenomena are disjoint. I will touch only briefly on the<br />

interaction between presupposition projection <strong>and</strong> the interpretation of<br />

scope-bearing expressions, since this is one of the leitmotives of the second<br />

half of this book.14<br />

The idea that presuppositional data might at least partly be explained in<br />

terms of scope has attracted a great many people. Most importantly,<br />

adherents of Russell's analysis of definite descriptions (which, after some<br />

wilderness years, seems to be enjoying a spectacular revival) in effect adopt<br />

a scope analysis of what on the presuppositional view is just one of many<br />

presupposition triggers. In comparison, treatments in terms of scope of other<br />

presuppositional expressions are few <strong>and</strong> far between. Incidents that I know<br />

of are a scope analysis offactive factive verbs proposed by Delacruz (1976), a similar<br />

analysis considered by Grice (1981), <strong>and</strong> Heim's (1992) tentative suggestion<br />

that aspectual verbs be treated in terms of scope.<br />

To convey something of the attraction of this approach, let us quickly<br />

recapitulate Russell's (1905) famous theory of descriptions, as applied to his<br />

equally famous examples (49a, b).<br />

(49) a. The King of France is bald.<br />

b. The King of France is not bald.<br />

Adopting a restricted-quantifier notation which I take to be selfexplanatory,<br />

Russell's proposal is that the definite article is in fact a<br />

self-<br />

quantifier, which is defined as follows:<br />

(50) [the x: Px] Qx =deJ = def [some x: Px](Qx & [all y: Py](x = y))<br />

With the help of this quantifier, (49a) is analysed as follows:<br />

14 14 Caveat: in this section I will use the notion of scope in the grammarian's sense. That is to say,<br />

scope is something which scope-bearing expressions have, <strong>and</strong> the scope of an expression is<br />

determined, roughly speaking, by moving it about at some level of analysis. Fairly<br />

uncontroversial examples are quantifying determiners, negation, modals, etcetera. The claim<br />

that presuppositions aren't scope-bearing elements in this sense does not to preclude the<br />

possibility that they interact with scope-bearing elements in some way or other. (Cf. the<br />

treatment of indefinites in D DRT.)

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