Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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24 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />
1.4 Projection vs. scope<br />
In<strong>for</strong>mally, presuppositions may be described as interpretative elements that<br />
prefer to take wide scope. This is a sloppy way of speaking because<br />
presupposition projection has nothing to do with scope as grammarians<br />
employ that notion. Presupposition projection <strong>and</strong> scope taking are<br />
phenomena that must be clearly distinguished, although they interact in<br />
various ways. In this section I will concentrate on the first point, <strong>and</strong> attempt<br />
to show that the two phenomena are disjoint. I will touch only briefly on the<br />
interaction between presupposition projection <strong>and</strong> the interpretation of<br />
scope-bearing expressions, since this is one of the leitmotives of the second<br />
half of this book.14<br />
The idea that presuppositional data might at least partly be explained in<br />
terms of scope has attracted a great many people. Most importantly,<br />
adherents of Russell's analysis of definite descriptions (which, after some<br />
wilderness years, seems to be enjoying a spectacular revival) in effect adopt<br />
a scope analysis of what on the presuppositional view is just one of many<br />
presupposition triggers. In comparison, treatments in terms of scope of other<br />
presuppositional expressions are few <strong>and</strong> far between. Incidents that I know<br />
of are a scope analysis offactive factive verbs proposed by Delacruz (1976), a similar<br />
analysis considered by Grice (1981), <strong>and</strong> Heim's (1992) tentative suggestion<br />
that aspectual verbs be treated in terms of scope.<br />
To convey something of the attraction of this approach, let us quickly<br />
recapitulate Russell's (1905) famous theory of descriptions, as applied to his<br />
equally famous examples (49a, b).<br />
(49) a. The King of France is bald.<br />
b. The King of France is not bald.<br />
Adopting a restricted-quantifier notation which I take to be selfexplanatory,<br />
Russell's proposal is that the definite article is in fact a<br />
self-<br />
quantifier, which is defined as follows:<br />
(50) [the x: Px] Qx =deJ = def [some x: Px](Qx & [all y: Py](x = y))<br />
With the help of this quantifier, (49a) is analysed as follows:<br />
14 14 Caveat: in this section I will use the notion of scope in the grammarian's sense. That is to say,<br />
scope is something which scope-bearing expressions have, <strong>and</strong> the scope of an expression is<br />
determined, roughly speaking, by moving it about at some level of analysis. Fairly<br />
uncontroversial examples are quantifying determiners, negation, modals, etcetera. The claim<br />
that presuppositions aren't scope-bearing elements in this sense does not to preclude the<br />
possibility that they interact with scope-bearing elements in some way or other. (Cf. the<br />
treatment of indefinites in D DRT.)