Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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The binding theory 61 accommodation reading is preferred in this case. So, principle (B) may have to give in to save consistency. Things really become interesting when we turn to principle (C) of the binding theory, and in the remainder of this section I will discuss some of the ways in which this principle interacts with Gricean constraints on interpretation (the interplay between principle (C) and the well-formedness constraint will loom large in §§ 2.4.1 and 2.4.4). The workings of principle (C) are best viewed in procedural terms. According to this principle, the hearer will always first try to project a presupposition to the main DRS, but if the resulting interpretation violates an interpretation constraint, he goes down the path of accessible DRSs until a DRS is found which will accept the presupposition without violating any constraint. (48) a. Harry is a bachelor, so it wasn't Harry's wife who shot the burglar. b. [x: Harry x, bachelor x, -{\,!: -i[u: u is x's wife, u shot the burglar]] c. [x, u: Harry x, bachelor x, u is x's wife, -{ -i[: u shot the burglar]] Principle (C) says that the underlined presupposition in (48b) is preferably accommodated in the principal DRS, which would yield (48c). However, on this interpretation (48a) would be contradictory, so on the first run principle (C) is defeated. Given that accommodation in the main DRS is not possible, the principle says that accommodation one level down is the preferred option, and in this case it is the only remaining possibility, too, so the reading we predict is (48b), which is correct. Note that, on this reading, (48a) still violates the informativeness constraint, because the second half of the sentence is entailed by the first half. If (48b) is nonetheless the preferred reading of (48a), it is because consistency takes precedence over informativeness. In (48a), the presupposition that Harry has a wife is blocked because it is inconsistent with the speaker's explicit claim that Harry is a bachelor. This is an exceptionally blatant sort of inconsistency. A rather more subtle type of inconsistency threatens when a presupposition contradicts, or would contradict, what the speaker has said or implied about his own knowledge. (49) is a case in point: (49) a. I don't know if Harry is married ... b. but the woman we saw him with last night certainly wasn't his wife. By uttering (49) the speaker does not presuppose that Harry has a wife, although (49b) contains a definite NP that triggers this presupposition. Hence the presupposition that Harry has a wife is prevented from accommodating in the principal DRS, and is forced to accommodate within
62 Presuppositions and Pronouns the scope of the negation instead. Why The answer is fairly obvious: if the presupposition had been accommodated at top level, the resulting DRS would contradict the speaker's explicit claim that he doesn't know if (50) is true. (50) Harry is married. Let us introduce the word issue, as a term of art, to refer to propositions expressible by sentences of the form 'a '« does not know if (p
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Presuppositions and Pronouns
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PRESUPPOSITIONS AND PRONOUNS Bart G
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Current Research in the Semantics/P
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To Julia
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Contents PREFACE xi 1 PRESUPPOSITIO
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Preface In his thumbnail sketch of
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xiii presuppositions already involv
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CHAPTER 1 Presupposition The phenom
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Presupposition 3 c. If Barney has s
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Presupposition 5 apply to their int
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Presupposition 17 sentences in (15)
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Presupposition 9 there is a way of
Page 26 and 27: Presupposition 11 judgment of the f
Page 28 and 29: Presupposition 13 that requires a m
Page 30 and 31: Presupposition 15 b. If Barney took
Page 32 and 33: Presupposition 17 conditionals have
Page 34 and 35: Presupposition 19 pizzeria in the V
Page 36 and 37: Presupposition 21 recipient of this
Page 38 and 39: Presupposition 23 (45) Fred's wife
Page 40 and 41: Presupposition 25 (51) [the x: King
Page 42 and 43: Presupposition 27 readings in terms
Page 44 and 45: Presupposition 29 actually has a nu
Page 46 and 47: Presupposition 31 describes a trans
Page 48 and 49: Presupposition 33 of this complexit
Page 50 and 51: CHAPTER 2 The binding theory Althou
Page 52 and 53: The binding theory 37 b. [y,.w: [v,
Page 54 and 55: The binding theory 39 correlated wi
Page 56 and 57: The binding theory 41 (10) a. Eithe
Page 58 and 59: The binding theory 43 The content o
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Page 62 and 63: The binding theory 47 apply. Soames
Page 64 and 65: The binding theory 49 Disjunction '
Page 66 and 67: The binding theory 51 me from sayin
Page 68 and 69: The binding theory 53 (35) a. [u, v
Page 70 and 71: The binding theory 55 line, presupp
Page 72 and 73: The binding theory 57 We are now al
Page 74 and 75: The binding theory 59 interpretatio
Page 78 and 79: The binding theory 63 sentence (i.e
Page 80 and 81: The binding theory 65 In the preced
Page 82 and 83: The binding theory 67 presuppositio
Page 84 and 85: The binding theory 69 Our procedure
Page 86 and 87: The binding theory 71 c. (Esker too
Page 88 and 89: The binding theory 73 (67) The doct
Page 90 and 91: The binding theory 75 an umbrella,
Page 92 and 93: The binding theory 77 and although
Page 94 and 95: The binding theory 79 any given pre
Page 96 and 97: The binding theory 81 marker x in t
Page 98 and 99: The binding theory 83 In the versio
Page 100 and 101: The binding theory 85 (88) a. Did y
Page 102 and 103: CHAPTER 3 The satisfaction theory C
Page 104 and 105: The satisfaction theory 89 Accordin
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Page 108 and 109: The satisfaction theory 93 (7) Eith
Page 110 and 111: The satisfaction theory 95 conditio
Page 112 and 113: The satisfaction theory 97 § 3.4 a
Page 114 and 115: The satisfaction theory 99 merely p
Page 116 and 117: The satisfaction theory 101 All I h
Page 118 and 119: The satisfaction theory 103 I belie
Page 120 and 121: The satisfaction theory 105 Karttun
Page 122 and 123: The satisfaction theory 107 implies
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The satisfaction theory 111 manner.
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The satisfaction theory 113 trigger
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CHAPTER 4 Dynamic semantics The dif
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Dynamic semantics 117 the existenti
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Dynamic semantics 119 taken serious
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Dynamic semantics 121 phenomena suc
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Dynamic semantics 123 implementatio
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Dynamic semantics 125 number of pos
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Dynamic semantics 127 having to ass
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Dynamic semantics 129 Here anaphora
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Dynamic semantics 131 (19) a. Eithe
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CHAPTERS 5 Attitude reports Althoug
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Attitude reports 135 believe, but n
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Attitude reports 137 Presupposition
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Attitude reports 139 (11) Hob think
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Attitude reports 141 have chosen to
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Attitude reports 143 For the verb w
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Attitude reports 145 he has a son,
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Attitude reports 147 all obvious th
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Attitude reports 149 common sense n
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Attitude reports 151 (34) a. There
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Attitude reports 153 (39) a. [x, y,
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Attitude reports 155 c. c - [
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Attitude reports 157 (46b) involves
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Attitude reports 159 5.5 Presupposi
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Attitude reports 161 I have said th
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Attitude reports 163 The first pres
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Attitude reports 165 This argument
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Attitude reports 167 It may sometim
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Attitude reports 169 there is a boy
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Attitude reports 171 and asserts of
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Attitude reports 173 (74) c. [p,p',
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CHAPTER 6 Modals As it stands, the
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Modals 177 111 can be dealt with by
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Modals 179 means that the material
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Modals 181 (13) a. Either it is in
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Modals 183 It is difficult to link
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Modals 185 Assuming just that modal
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Modals 187 g(q') S(q') = {(v,j) { E
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Modals 189 b. Nobody turned up at B
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Modals 191 q. Thus our theory impli
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Modals 193 The discourse in (39) is
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Modals 195 On the Kratzer/Lewis ana
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Modals 197 bound and is therefore a
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Modals 199 that the first sentence
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CHAPTER 7 Names What could be simpl
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Names 203 had scope but will also t
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Names 205 why use this word when a
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Names 207 Although it is always har
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Names 209 apparent difficulties, ca
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Names 211 have names; some of these
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Names 213 is (14c). Hence, on the p
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Names 215 that he himself might hav
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Names 217 alternative theories of m
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Names 219 Since John treats anaphor
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Names 221 NPs, and in doing so he b
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References Asher, N. 1986: Belief i
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References 225 Grice, H.P. 1975: Lo
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References 227 Levinson, S.c. S.C.
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References 229 Zeevat, H. 1989a: A
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Subject index accessibility: 38-39,
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Index of names Asher, N. xiii, 37,1
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