Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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Presupposition 21<br />
recipient of this sentence will usually be entitled to conclude that the sender<br />
takes (38b) to be false, because he may reason as follows: (i) Presumably, the<br />
speaker knows what he is talking about, <strong>and</strong> there<strong>for</strong>e he knows how many<br />
girls Fred kissed; (ii) if the speaker had known (38b) to be true, he would<br />
surely have produced this sentence instead of (38a); but (iii) since he hasn't<br />
done that, it follows from (i) <strong>and</strong> (ii) that he takes (38b) to be false.<br />
If some such story can be told about (38a), a strictly parallel story can be<br />
told about (39a), which embeds (38a). Here is how: (i) Presumably, the<br />
speaker knows what he is talking about, <strong>and</strong> there<strong>for</strong>e he knows how many<br />
girls Wilma believes were kissed by Fred; (ii) if the speaker had known (39b)<br />
to be true, he would surely have produced this sentence instead of (39a); but<br />
(iii) since he hasn't done that, it follows from (i) <strong>and</strong> (ii) that he takes (39b)<br />
to be false. Note that this account is given without reference to the<br />
circumstance that in (39a), the quantified NP some of the girls occurs in an<br />
embedded position. The crucial premise <strong>for</strong> this line of explanation is that<br />
(38a) <strong>and</strong> (39a) become stronger statements when all is substituted <strong>for</strong> some;<br />
the notion of embedding doesn't enter the picture in any way.<br />
There is a further reason why it is wrong to describe the inferences in (38)<br />
<strong>and</strong> (39) as instances of implicature projection. If these really were instances<br />
of projection in the relevant sense, then the inference from (39a) to (39b)<br />
would be beside the point, since the crucial prediction would be that (39a)<br />
will normally imply (38b). For, after all, projection means that the same<br />
inference tends to through in all sorts of linguistic environments. But<br />
evidently (39a) does not normally imply that (38b) is true.<br />
There are cases that might be construed as instances of implicature<br />
projection, but only when taken at face value. The following is such a case:<br />
(40) It is possible that Fred kissed some of the girls.<br />
This will tend to be heard as implying that, according to the speaker, Fred<br />
didn't kiss all the girls. But, again, this inference can be accounted <strong>for</strong>, along<br />
the lines set out by Grice, without anything like a projection mechanism<br />
entering the scene. Clearly, (40) is weaker than:<br />
(41) It is possible that Fred kissed all of the girls.<br />
So if a speaker utters (40) instead of (41), he presumably takes the latter to<br />
be false, which entails that he doesn't believe that Fred kissed all the girls, i.e.<br />
he believes that (38b) is true. Again, no need <strong>for</strong> a notion of implicature<br />
projection. Furthermore, the inference vanishes without a trace if we replace<br />
the epistemic modal with, say, a deontic one:<br />
(42) Fred was given permission to kiss some of the girls.<br />
A hearer who takes this to imply that (38b) is true must be assuming that<br />
Fred is an obedient boy, but it is clear that this will not be inferred by default.