01.02.2015 Views

Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

Presupposition 21<br />

recipient of this sentence will usually be entitled to conclude that the sender<br />

takes (38b) to be false, because he may reason as follows: (i) Presumably, the<br />

speaker knows what he is talking about, <strong>and</strong> there<strong>for</strong>e he knows how many<br />

girls Fred kissed; (ii) if the speaker had known (38b) to be true, he would<br />

surely have produced this sentence instead of (38a); but (iii) since he hasn't<br />

done that, it follows from (i) <strong>and</strong> (ii) that he takes (38b) to be false.<br />

If some such story can be told about (38a), a strictly parallel story can be<br />

told about (39a), which embeds (38a). Here is how: (i) Presumably, the<br />

speaker knows what he is talking about, <strong>and</strong> there<strong>for</strong>e he knows how many<br />

girls Wilma believes were kissed by Fred; (ii) if the speaker had known (39b)<br />

to be true, he would surely have produced this sentence instead of (39a); but<br />

(iii) since he hasn't done that, it follows from (i) <strong>and</strong> (ii) that he takes (39b)<br />

to be false. Note that this account is given without reference to the<br />

circumstance that in (39a), the quantified NP some of the girls occurs in an<br />

embedded position. The crucial premise <strong>for</strong> this line of explanation is that<br />

(38a) <strong>and</strong> (39a) become stronger statements when all is substituted <strong>for</strong> some;<br />

the notion of embedding doesn't enter the picture in any way.<br />

There is a further reason why it is wrong to describe the inferences in (38)<br />

<strong>and</strong> (39) as instances of implicature projection. If these really were instances<br />

of projection in the relevant sense, then the inference from (39a) to (39b)<br />

would be beside the point, since the crucial prediction would be that (39a)<br />

will normally imply (38b). For, after all, projection means that the same<br />

inference tends to through in all sorts of linguistic environments. But<br />

evidently (39a) does not normally imply that (38b) is true.<br />

There are cases that might be construed as instances of implicature<br />

projection, but only when taken at face value. The following is such a case:<br />

(40) It is possible that Fred kissed some of the girls.<br />

This will tend to be heard as implying that, according to the speaker, Fred<br />

didn't kiss all the girls. But, again, this inference can be accounted <strong>for</strong>, along<br />

the lines set out by Grice, without anything like a projection mechanism<br />

entering the scene. Clearly, (40) is weaker than:<br />

(41) It is possible that Fred kissed all of the girls.<br />

So if a speaker utters (40) instead of (41), he presumably takes the latter to<br />

be false, which entails that he doesn't believe that Fred kissed all the girls, i.e.<br />

he believes that (38b) is true. Again, no need <strong>for</strong> a notion of implicature<br />

projection. Furthermore, the inference vanishes without a trace if we replace<br />

the epistemic modal with, say, a deontic one:<br />

(42) Fred was given permission to kiss some of the girls.<br />

A hearer who takes this to imply that (38b) is true must be assuming that<br />

Fred is an obedient boy, but it is clear that this will not be inferred by default.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!