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Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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70 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />

counterexample against their theory. However, the purpose of this example<br />

was not so much to prove that st<strong>and</strong>ard DRT is wrong as to explain why the<br />

binding mechanism that I propose deviates from the st<strong>and</strong>ard account.<br />

2.4.2 Denials<br />

In § 2.3, it was shown how the binding theory deals with examples like the<br />

following:<br />

(62) a. Harry is a bachelor, so it wasn't Harry's wife who shot the<br />

burglar. (= (48a» (48a))<br />

b. It wasn't Harry's wife who shot the burglar: Harry is a<br />

bachelor.<br />

In (62a) the presupposition triggered by Harry's Harry'S wife. This presupposition is<br />

accommodated in its home DRS, because if it would be accommodated in<br />

the main DRS the resulting reading would violate the consistency constraint.<br />

Formulated in Heim's terminology, the presupposition is construed by way<br />

of local accommodation. Essentially the same analysis applies to (62b). The<br />

only difference between (62a) <strong>and</strong> (62b) is the order in which they present<br />

their in<strong>for</strong>mation. As a consequence, (62a) violates the in<strong>for</strong>mativeness<br />

constraint, as we have seen, while (62b) does not.<br />

Statements like (62b) are sometimes called 'denials'. Denials present<br />

problems to many theories of presupposition, <strong>and</strong> occasionally it is suggested<br />

that they are fundamentally different from ordinary (read: less problematic)<br />

instances of presupposition projection, <strong>and</strong> that, accordingly, their treatment<br />

is not so urgent. In the more recent literature, this suggestion tends to be<br />

accompanied by a further suggestion to the effect that Horn's (1989) work on<br />

'metalinguistic negation' confirms that presupposition theorists need not<br />

worry about denials.13 According to Horn, (62b) is just an instance of a much<br />

more general phenomenon, which has nothing to do with presupposition<br />

projection as such. The following examples (from Horn 1989: 371) are all<br />

instances of metalinguistic negation alongside cases of presuppositional<br />

denial like (62b)::<br />

(63) a. He didn't call the POlice, he called the poLICE.<br />

b. I didn't manage to trap two monGEESE -— I managed to trap<br />

two monGOOSES.<br />

13 13 For extensive discussion of denials, see Horn (1989a), van der S<strong>and</strong>t (1991), Carston (1994),<br />

<strong>and</strong> Geurts (1998a). The suggestion that metalinguistic negation offers solace to the<br />

presupposition theorist troubled by denials has been made, apart from Horn himself, by Beaver<br />

(1992), Krifka (1994), Chierchia (1995), <strong>and</strong>, interestingly, van der S<strong>and</strong>t (1991).

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