Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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70 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />
counterexample against their theory. However, the purpose of this example<br />
was not so much to prove that st<strong>and</strong>ard DRT is wrong as to explain why the<br />
binding mechanism that I propose deviates from the st<strong>and</strong>ard account.<br />
2.4.2 Denials<br />
In § 2.3, it was shown how the binding theory deals with examples like the<br />
following:<br />
(62) a. Harry is a bachelor, so it wasn't Harry's wife who shot the<br />
burglar. (= (48a» (48a))<br />
b. It wasn't Harry's wife who shot the burglar: Harry is a<br />
bachelor.<br />
In (62a) the presupposition triggered by Harry's Harry'S wife. This presupposition is<br />
accommodated in its home DRS, because if it would be accommodated in<br />
the main DRS the resulting reading would violate the consistency constraint.<br />
Formulated in Heim's terminology, the presupposition is construed by way<br />
of local accommodation. Essentially the same analysis applies to (62b). The<br />
only difference between (62a) <strong>and</strong> (62b) is the order in which they present<br />
their in<strong>for</strong>mation. As a consequence, (62a) violates the in<strong>for</strong>mativeness<br />
constraint, as we have seen, while (62b) does not.<br />
Statements like (62b) are sometimes called 'denials'. Denials present<br />
problems to many theories of presupposition, <strong>and</strong> occasionally it is suggested<br />
that they are fundamentally different from ordinary (read: less problematic)<br />
instances of presupposition projection, <strong>and</strong> that, accordingly, their treatment<br />
is not so urgent. In the more recent literature, this suggestion tends to be<br />
accompanied by a further suggestion to the effect that Horn's (1989) work on<br />
'metalinguistic negation' confirms that presupposition theorists need not<br />
worry about denials.13 According to Horn, (62b) is just an instance of a much<br />
more general phenomenon, which has nothing to do with presupposition<br />
projection as such. The following examples (from Horn 1989: 371) are all<br />
instances of metalinguistic negation alongside cases of presuppositional<br />
denial like (62b)::<br />
(63) a. He didn't call the POlice, he called the poLICE.<br />
b. I didn't manage to trap two monGEESE -— I managed to trap<br />
two monGOOSES.<br />
13 13 For extensive discussion of denials, see Horn (1989a), van der S<strong>and</strong>t (1991), Carston (1994),<br />
<strong>and</strong> Geurts (1998a). The suggestion that metalinguistic negation offers solace to the<br />
presupposition theorist troubled by denials has been made, apart from Horn himself, by Beaver<br />
(1992), Krifka (1994), Chierchia (1995), <strong>and</strong>, interestingly, van der S<strong>and</strong>t (1991).