Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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58 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />
always, yield stronger readings than accommodation in an embedding<br />
position. I find it doubtful, however, that hearers generally try to make their<br />
interpretations as strong as possible, <strong>and</strong> there<strong>for</strong>e I don't see that principle<br />
(C) can be motivated solely on this basis. It seems to me that this preference<br />
should be explained in terms of relevance rather than quantity (to adopt the<br />
Gricean jargon <strong>for</strong> the occasion). Consider the following example:<br />
(43) a. Fred didn't bring his wife.<br />
b. [x, y: Fred x, y is x's wife, -{ ->[: x brought y]]<br />
c. [x, y: Fred x, .[y: -i[y: y is x's wife, x brought y]]<br />
(43a) may well be uttered in a context where it hasn't been established yet<br />
that Fred has a wife. A hearer who isn't in<strong>for</strong>med about Fred's marital status<br />
will typically infer from an utterance of (43a) that Fred is married, i.e. he will<br />
accommodate Fred's wife globally, as in (43b), rather than locally, as in (43c).<br />
Why Presumably because on the latter interpretation (43a) would generally<br />
be a pointless thing to say. To be sure, one can imagine situations in which<br />
the message represented by (43c) would be of interest, but such situations<br />
would appear to be rather marginal.<br />
Yet another possible way of motivating principle (C) is that it will often<br />
yield readings that are intuitively simpler than possible alternatives. In some,<br />
presumably 'illogical', sense, (43c) not only is less in<strong>for</strong>mative than (43b); it<br />
is also more complex. If this is correct, it may help to explain why principle<br />
(C) holds.<br />
I have briefly indicated three ways of explaining why hearers should prefer<br />
to project presuppositions to the highest possible DRS. These explanations<br />
do not exclude one another, <strong>and</strong> it could turn out that some combination of<br />
them is correct. This is as it may be. I don't have a more definite proposal to<br />
make; I merely wanted to suggest some possible reasons why principle (C) is<br />
a plausible one. That it is a plausible principle is not at issue; <strong>for</strong>, as I noted<br />
already, there can hardly be any doubt that something along these lines is<br />
required.<br />
2.3 Constraints on interpretation<br />
As a rule, people are remarkably tolerant when it comes to interpreting each<br />
other's verbal behaviour. When one interprets an utterance, he assumes that<br />
what the speaker wants to say makes sense <strong>and</strong> is useful, given the purposes<br />
of the conversation. This mundane observation is the starting point of Grice's<br />
seminal work on pragmatic reasoning. As is well known, Grice presents his<br />
theory as a collection of conversational maxims, which he takes to be<br />
instances of a single super maxim, viz. that speakers should be cooperative.<br />
From the hearer's point of view, these maxims act as constraints on the