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Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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58 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />

always, yield stronger readings than accommodation in an embedding<br />

position. I find it doubtful, however, that hearers generally try to make their<br />

interpretations as strong as possible, <strong>and</strong> there<strong>for</strong>e I don't see that principle<br />

(C) can be motivated solely on this basis. It seems to me that this preference<br />

should be explained in terms of relevance rather than quantity (to adopt the<br />

Gricean jargon <strong>for</strong> the occasion). Consider the following example:<br />

(43) a. Fred didn't bring his wife.<br />

b. [x, y: Fred x, y is x's wife, -{ ->[: x brought y]]<br />

c. [x, y: Fred x, .[y: -i[y: y is x's wife, x brought y]]<br />

(43a) may well be uttered in a context where it hasn't been established yet<br />

that Fred has a wife. A hearer who isn't in<strong>for</strong>med about Fred's marital status<br />

will typically infer from an utterance of (43a) that Fred is married, i.e. he will<br />

accommodate Fred's wife globally, as in (43b), rather than locally, as in (43c).<br />

Why Presumably because on the latter interpretation (43a) would generally<br />

be a pointless thing to say. To be sure, one can imagine situations in which<br />

the message represented by (43c) would be of interest, but such situations<br />

would appear to be rather marginal.<br />

Yet another possible way of motivating principle (C) is that it will often<br />

yield readings that are intuitively simpler than possible alternatives. In some,<br />

presumably 'illogical', sense, (43c) not only is less in<strong>for</strong>mative than (43b); it<br />

is also more complex. If this is correct, it may help to explain why principle<br />

(C) holds.<br />

I have briefly indicated three ways of explaining why hearers should prefer<br />

to project presuppositions to the highest possible DRS. These explanations<br />

do not exclude one another, <strong>and</strong> it could turn out that some combination of<br />

them is correct. This is as it may be. I don't have a more definite proposal to<br />

make; I merely wanted to suggest some possible reasons why principle (C) is<br />

a plausible one. That it is a plausible principle is not at issue; <strong>for</strong>, as I noted<br />

already, there can hardly be any doubt that something along these lines is<br />

required.<br />

2.3 Constraints on interpretation<br />

As a rule, people are remarkably tolerant when it comes to interpreting each<br />

other's verbal behaviour. When one interprets an utterance, he assumes that<br />

what the speaker wants to say makes sense <strong>and</strong> is useful, given the purposes<br />

of the conversation. This mundane observation is the starting point of Grice's<br />

seminal work on pragmatic reasoning. As is well known, Grice presents his<br />

theory as a collection of conversational maxims, which he takes to be<br />

instances of a single super maxim, viz. that speakers should be cooperative.<br />

From the hearer's point of view, these maxims act as constraints on the

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