Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
104 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />
sentences in terms of material implication, <strong>and</strong> it is well known that this<br />
construal is a problematic one. However, as we have seen in § 3.2, the proviso<br />
problem will remain even if we adopt the Stalnaker/Lewis analysis of<br />
conditionals, <strong>for</strong> example. What this means is that if we adopt this construal,<br />
the satisfaction theory still predicts that the (a) <strong>and</strong> (b) sentences have the<br />
same presupposition, the only difference being that the conditional is no<br />
longer construed as material implication but as a relation between possible<br />
states of affairs. It would be premature to conclude from this observation<br />
that there is no analysis of conditionals that will solve the problem, but it<br />
does suggest that this line of defence isn't very promising, either.<br />
Another way of approaching the problem would be to deny that the<br />
conditionals involved in the (a) <strong>and</strong> (b) sentences in (26)-(28) are of the<br />
same type, <strong>and</strong> to argue on this basis that these sentence pairs don't give rise<br />
to the same presuppositions. There are at least two problems with this idea.<br />
First, it will have to be shown on independent grounds that in the (a)<br />
sentences if... . then is construed differently than in the corresponding (b)<br />
sentences, <strong>and</strong> it is by no means obvious how that can be done. Secondly, it<br />
is clear that such an argument wouldn't work <strong>for</strong> the following minimal pairs:<br />
(29) a. Maybe Fred knows that if Barney is sensible, then he will stop<br />
smoking.<br />
b. Maybe Fred knows that if Barney is sensible, then he is a<br />
habitual smoker.<br />
(30) a. Maybe Fred knows that if Betty is married, then Wilma's<br />
husb<strong>and</strong> should be more discreet.<br />
b. Maybe Fred knows that if Betty is married, then Wilma has a<br />
husb<strong>and</strong> (too).<br />
Intuitively, while (29a) presupposes that Barney is a habitual smoker, (29b)<br />
doesn't seem to have this presupposition, <strong>and</strong> analogously, (30a) but not<br />
(30b) presupposes that Wilma has a husb<strong>and</strong>. But of course there is no<br />
reason whatsoever <strong>for</strong> believing that the conditionals in the (a) sentences are<br />
construed differently from those in the (b) sentences.<br />
3.4 The argument from improbability<br />
I believe that the objections that I have mustered in the <strong>for</strong>egoing warrant<br />
the conclusion that the argument from truth-functionality is not just wrong<br />
but entirely on the wrong track: the problems it faces are so serious that it<br />
calls <strong>for</strong> replacement rather than repair. One possible replacement might be<br />
the following argument, which is based on the same assumptions as