Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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The satisfaction theory 109 entertain several hypotheses about the common ground, some of which he may deem to be more plausible than others. An interesting consequence of this proposal is that it opens a new perspective on one of the problems that I discussed in the foregoing. I observed that it is difficult to see how % X can be more plausible than the weaker ~ i, X, as the argument from improbability requires, but Beaver would say that this difficulty only arises because I have been asking the wrong question. What I should have asked instead, according to Beaver, is whether the hearer finds it more likely that the common ground satisfies X / or just q> ~ %. X. And the hearer's answer to this question might very well be that the former possibility is more likely than the latter. Although Beaver's proposal offers a solution to one of the problems that have come up in the foregoing, I don't see that it improves matters in others than this respect. Beaver shows how the satisfaction theorist can consistently adopt the argument from improbability without having to give up on the standard dynamic semantics of § 3.1. However, as I have pointed out in this section, it is clear that at least for conditionals this semantics is inadequate, and it still remains to be seen how a more sophisticated semantics of conditionals can be incorporated into the satisfaction framework. Secondly, Beaver's version of the improbability argument does nothing to alleviate the problems illustrated by (32)-(35). Indeed, it seems to me that if, instead of asking whether the (c) propositions are more plausible than the (b) propositions, we now ask which ones are more likely to be part of the common ground, it becomes even more questionable that there will be a majority vote for (c), as the argument from improbability requires. And finally, Beaver's version of the argument of improbability doesn't account for the difference between, for example, (37a) and (37b). Summarizing the results of this section and the previous two, I have argued against the idea that the proviso problem can be solved along the lines first suggested by Karttunen and Peters. I have objected against the very idea of deriving the required inferences in two steps, and have criticized two arguments that have been proposed to account for the alleged strengthening of conditional presuppositions. My main conclusions are: that the conditional presuppositions which the satisfaction theory predicts are mere artefacts of that theory; that the notion that the observed inferences are to be derived in a two-step process is ill conceived; and that there is at present no account that explains how this strengthening might be accomplished. 3.5 Further problems The main problem with the satisfaction theory is that certain of the presuppositions that it predicts are conditionalized whereas intuitively presup- they
110 Presuppositions and Pronouns shouldn't be. But occasionally, the theory simply fails to generate any presuppositions at all while intuitively we would like to have some. This problem arises because the theory predicts that sentences of the form \j1{X} \j/{%} or /\ A \j1{X} \j/{x} will not presuppose anything if X % already follows from
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Presuppositions and Pronouns
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PRESUPPOSITIONS AND PRONOUNS Bart G
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Current Research in the Semantics/P
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To Julia
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Contents PREFACE xi 1 PRESUPPOSITIO
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Preface In his thumbnail sketch of
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xiii presuppositions already involv
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CHAPTER 1 Presupposition The phenom
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Presupposition 3 c. If Barney has s
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Presupposition 5 apply to their int
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Presupposition 17 sentences in (15)
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Presupposition 9 there is a way of
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Presupposition 11 judgment of the f
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Presupposition 13 that requires a m
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Presupposition 15 b. If Barney took
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Presupposition 17 conditionals have
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Presupposition 19 pizzeria in the V
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Presupposition 21 recipient of this
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Presupposition 23 (45) Fred's wife
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Presupposition 25 (51) [the x: King
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Presupposition 27 readings in terms
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Presupposition 29 actually has a nu
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Presupposition 31 describes a trans
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Presupposition 33 of this complexit
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CHAPTER 2 The binding theory Althou
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The binding theory 37 b. [y,.w: [v,
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The binding theory 39 correlated wi
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The binding theory 41 (10) a. Eithe
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The binding theory 43 The content o
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d. j [.
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The binding theory 47 apply. Soames
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The binding theory 49 Disjunction '
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The binding theory 51 me from sayin
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The binding theory 53 (35) a. [u, v
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The binding theory 55 line, presupp
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The binding theory 57 We are now al
Page 74 and 75: The binding theory 59 interpretatio
Page 76 and 77: The binding theory 61 accommodation
Page 78 and 79: The binding theory 63 sentence (i.e
Page 80 and 81: The binding theory 65 In the preced
Page 82 and 83: The binding theory 67 presuppositio
Page 84 and 85: The binding theory 69 Our procedure
Page 86 and 87: The binding theory 71 c. (Esker too
Page 88 and 89: The binding theory 73 (67) The doct
Page 90 and 91: The binding theory 75 an umbrella,
Page 92 and 93: The binding theory 77 and although
Page 94 and 95: The binding theory 79 any given pre
Page 96 and 97: The binding theory 81 marker x in t
Page 98 and 99: The binding theory 83 In the versio
Page 100 and 101: The binding theory 85 (88) a. Did y
Page 102 and 103: CHAPTER 3 The satisfaction theory C
Page 104 and 105: The satisfaction theory 89 Accordin
Page 106 and 107: The satisfaction theory 91 b. c[(p
Page 108 and 109: The satisfaction theory 93 (7) Eith
Page 110 and 111: The satisfaction theory 95 conditio
Page 112 and 113: The satisfaction theory 97 § 3.4 a
Page 114 and 115: The satisfaction theory 99 merely p
Page 116 and 117: The satisfaction theory 101 All I h
Page 118 and 119: The satisfaction theory 103 I belie
Page 120 and 121: The satisfaction theory 105 Karttun
Page 122 and 123: The satisfaction theory 107 implies
Page 126 and 127: The satisfaction theory 111 manner.
Page 128 and 129: The satisfaction theory 113 trigger
Page 130 and 131: CHAPTER 4 Dynamic semantics The dif
Page 132 and 133: Dynamic semantics 117 the existenti
Page 134 and 135: Dynamic semantics 119 taken serious
Page 136 and 137: Dynamic semantics 121 phenomena suc
Page 138 and 139: Dynamic semantics 123 implementatio
Page 140 and 141: Dynamic semantics 125 number of pos
Page 142 and 143: Dynamic semantics 127 having to ass
Page 144 and 145: Dynamic semantics 129 Here anaphora
Page 146 and 147: Dynamic semantics 131 (19) a. Eithe
Page 148 and 149: CHAPTERS 5 Attitude reports Althoug
Page 150 and 151: Attitude reports 135 believe, but n
Page 152 and 153: Attitude reports 137 Presupposition
Page 154 and 155: Attitude reports 139 (11) Hob think
Page 156 and 157: Attitude reports 141 have chosen to
Page 158 and 159: Attitude reports 143 For the verb w
Page 160 and 161: Attitude reports 145 he has a son,
Page 162 and 163: Attitude reports 147 all obvious th
Page 164 and 165: Attitude reports 149 common sense n
Page 166 and 167: Attitude reports 151 (34) a. There
Page 168 and 169: Attitude reports 153 (39) a. [x, y,
Page 170 and 171: Attitude reports 155 c. c - [
Page 172 and 173: Attitude reports 157 (46b) involves
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Attitude reports 159 5.5 Presupposi
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Attitude reports 161 I have said th
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Attitude reports 163 The first pres
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Attitude reports 165 This argument
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Attitude reports 167 It may sometim
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Attitude reports 169 there is a boy
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Attitude reports 171 and asserts of
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Attitude reports 173 (74) c. [p,p',
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CHAPTER 6 Modals As it stands, the
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Modals 177 111 can be dealt with by
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Modals 179 means that the material
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Modals 181 (13) a. Either it is in
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Modals 183 It is difficult to link
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Modals 185 Assuming just that modal
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Modals 187 g(q') S(q') = {(v,j) { E
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Modals 189 b. Nobody turned up at B
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Modals 191 q. Thus our theory impli
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Modals 193 The discourse in (39) is
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Modals 195 On the Kratzer/Lewis ana
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Modals 197 bound and is therefore a
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Modals 199 that the first sentence
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CHAPTER 7 Names What could be simpl
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Names 203 had scope but will also t
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Names 205 why use this word when a
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Names 207 Although it is always har
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Names 209 apparent difficulties, ca
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Names 211 have names; some of these
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Names 213 is (14c). Hence, on the p
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Names 215 that he himself might hav
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Names 217 alternative theories of m
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Names 219 Since John treats anaphor
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Names 221 NPs, and in doing so he b
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References Asher, N. 1986: Belief i
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References 225 Grice, H.P. 1975: Lo
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References 227 Levinson, S.c. S.C.
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References 229 Zeevat, H. 1989a: A
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Subject index accessibility: 38-39,
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Index of names Asher, N. xiii, 37,1
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