Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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Attitude reports 137 Presuppositions are supposed to be given pieces of information. What could ever be the rationale for requiring that the same piece of information be given more than once Suppose that X % is a presupposition that is triggered in DRS
138 Presuppositions and Pronouns presupposes %, X, and that the inference to 'a '0 believes that %' X' is to be accounted for in another way. One of my arguments in favour of this position is that such an account is in fact easy to provide, whereas it is much harder, if not impossible, to come by an inferential schema that runs in the opposite direction, which is what Heim requires. Prima facie, it would seem that the e-principle is corroborated by (9a) and falsified by (9b), whereas with the i-principle it is the precisely the other way round: (9) a. If Louise has a niece, then she believes that her niece lives in Leeds. b. If Louise believes that she has a niece, then she also believes that her niece lives in Leeds. The i-principle predicts that in the consequent of both (9a) and (9b) the presupposition will be triggered that Louise believes that she has a niece. This presupposition will be bound in (9b), which is intuitively correct. However, in (9a) this presupposition will not be bound, so we predict that this sentence presupposes that Louise believes that she has a niece, which is false. In short, the i-principle gives the right prediction for (9b) but fails with (9a). Exactly the converse holds for the e-principle: it delivers the desired result for (9a), but also predicts that (9b) presupposes that Louise has a niece, which is just as false. One of my aims in this chapter will be to explain away this 'paradox'. Another puzzle that I will try to solve is the following. Speaking in terms of the binding theory, (9a, b) suggest that a presupposition triggered in a belief context may be bound within as well as outside of that belief context. However, the data are more complex than this pair of examples suggests, as witness: (10) a. Barney {\ believes} , h \ that Fred will WIll . agree, and he hopes that opes Wilma will agree too. b. Barney hopes that Fred will agree, and he believes that Wilma will agree, too. (lOa) shows that a presupposition triggered within a context created by the verb hope may be bound within a preceding hope or believe context, or within a believe context, and (lOb) corroborates the asymmetry between believe and non-believe contexts that we observed earlier on, for apparently a presupposition triggered in a believe context cannot without further ado pick up an antecedent from a hope context. The examples discussed in the foregoing are obviously related to the phenomenon of 'intentional identity', which has been an unfailing source of controversy ever since Geach published his famous Hob-Nob sentence:
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Presuppositions and Pronouns
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PRESUPPOSITIONS AND PRONOUNS Bart G
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Current Research in the Semantics/P
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To Julia
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Contents PREFACE xi 1 PRESUPPOSITIO
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Preface In his thumbnail sketch of
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xiii presuppositions already involv
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CHAPTER 1 Presupposition The phenom
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Presupposition 3 c. If Barney has s
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Presupposition 5 apply to their int
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Presupposition 17 sentences in (15)
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Presupposition 9 there is a way of
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Presupposition 11 judgment of the f
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Presupposition 13 that requires a m
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Presupposition 15 b. If Barney took
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Presupposition 17 conditionals have
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Presupposition 19 pizzeria in the V
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Presupposition 21 recipient of this
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Presupposition 23 (45) Fred's wife
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Presupposition 25 (51) [the x: King
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Presupposition 27 readings in terms
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Presupposition 29 actually has a nu
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Presupposition 31 describes a trans
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Presupposition 33 of this complexit
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CHAPTER 2 The binding theory Althou
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The binding theory 37 b. [y,.w: [v,
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The binding theory 39 correlated wi
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The binding theory 41 (10) a. Eithe
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The binding theory 43 The content o
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d. j [.
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The binding theory 47 apply. Soames
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The binding theory 49 Disjunction '
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The binding theory 51 me from sayin
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The binding theory 53 (35) a. [u, v
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The binding theory 55 line, presupp
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The binding theory 57 We are now al
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The binding theory 59 interpretatio
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The binding theory 61 accommodation
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The binding theory 63 sentence (i.e
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The binding theory 65 In the preced
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The binding theory 67 presuppositio
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The binding theory 69 Our procedure
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The binding theory 71 c. (Esker too
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The binding theory 73 (67) The doct
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The binding theory 75 an umbrella,
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The binding theory 77 and although
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The binding theory 79 any given pre
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The binding theory 81 marker x in t
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The binding theory 83 In the versio
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The binding theory 85 (88) a. Did y
Page 102 and 103: CHAPTER 3 The satisfaction theory C
Page 104 and 105: The satisfaction theory 89 Accordin
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Page 108 and 109: The satisfaction theory 93 (7) Eith
Page 110 and 111: The satisfaction theory 95 conditio
Page 112 and 113: The satisfaction theory 97 § 3.4 a
Page 114 and 115: The satisfaction theory 99 merely p
Page 116 and 117: The satisfaction theory 101 All I h
Page 118 and 119: The satisfaction theory 103 I belie
Page 120 and 121: The satisfaction theory 105 Karttun
Page 122 and 123: The satisfaction theory 107 implies
Page 124 and 125: The satisfaction theory 109 enterta
Page 126 and 127: The satisfaction theory 111 manner.
Page 128 and 129: The satisfaction theory 113 trigger
Page 130 and 131: CHAPTER 4 Dynamic semantics The dif
Page 132 and 133: Dynamic semantics 117 the existenti
Page 134 and 135: Dynamic semantics 119 taken serious
Page 136 and 137: Dynamic semantics 121 phenomena suc
Page 138 and 139: Dynamic semantics 123 implementatio
Page 140 and 141: Dynamic semantics 125 number of pos
Page 142 and 143: Dynamic semantics 127 having to ass
Page 144 and 145: Dynamic semantics 129 Here anaphora
Page 146 and 147: Dynamic semantics 131 (19) a. Eithe
Page 148 and 149: CHAPTERS 5 Attitude reports Althoug
Page 150 and 151: Attitude reports 135 believe, but n
Page 154 and 155: Attitude reports 139 (11) Hob think
Page 156 and 157: Attitude reports 141 have chosen to
Page 158 and 159: Attitude reports 143 For the verb w
Page 160 and 161: Attitude reports 145 he has a son,
Page 162 and 163: Attitude reports 147 all obvious th
Page 164 and 165: Attitude reports 149 common sense n
Page 166 and 167: Attitude reports 151 (34) a. There
Page 168 and 169: Attitude reports 153 (39) a. [x, y,
Page 170 and 171: Attitude reports 155 c. c - [
Page 172 and 173: Attitude reports 157 (46b) involves
Page 174 and 175: Attitude reports 159 5.5 Presupposi
Page 176 and 177: Attitude reports 161 I have said th
Page 178 and 179: Attitude reports 163 The first pres
Page 180 and 181: Attitude reports 165 This argument
Page 182 and 183: Attitude reports 167 It may sometim
Page 184 and 185: Attitude reports 169 there is a boy
Page 186 and 187: Attitude reports 171 and asserts of
Page 188 and 189: Attitude reports 173 (74) c. [p,p',
Page 190 and 191: CHAPTER 6 Modals As it stands, the
Page 192 and 193: Modals 177 111 can be dealt with by
Page 194 and 195: Modals 179 means that the material
Page 196 and 197: Modals 181 (13) a. Either it is in
Page 198 and 199: Modals 183 It is difficult to link
Page 200 and 201: Modals 185 Assuming just that modal
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Modals 187 g(q') S(q') = {(v,j) { E
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Modals 189 b. Nobody turned up at B
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Modals 191 q. Thus our theory impli
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Modals 193 The discourse in (39) is
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Modals 195 On the Kratzer/Lewis ana
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Modals 197 bound and is therefore a
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Modals 199 that the first sentence
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CHAPTER 7 Names What could be simpl
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Names 203 had scope but will also t
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Names 205 why use this word when a
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Names 207 Although it is always har
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Names 209 apparent difficulties, ca
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Names 211 have names; some of these
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Names 213 is (14c). Hence, on the p
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Names 215 that he himself might hav
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Names 217 alternative theories of m
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Names 219 Since John treats anaphor
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Names 221 NPs, and in doing so he b
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References Asher, N. 1986: Belief i
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References 225 Grice, H.P. 1975: Lo
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References 227 Levinson, S.c. S.C.
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References 229 Zeevat, H. 1989a: A
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Subject index accessibility: 38-39,
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Index of names Asher, N. xiii, 37,1
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Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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