Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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72 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />
this theory cannot account <strong>for</strong> such cases, as we will see in the next chapter<br />
(§ 3.5). It is good news <strong>for</strong> the binding theory, which explains the preferred<br />
interpretations of the examples in (62) without further ado.<br />
Be<strong>for</strong>e we leave this subject, at least <strong>for</strong> a while, let us consider why (62b)<br />
requires a marked intonation pattern, while (62a) does not. The answer to<br />
this question is not hard to find. In (62a) <strong>and</strong> (62b) the in<strong>for</strong>mation that<br />
Harry doesn't have a wife is already in at the point at which the definite NP<br />
Harry's wife is evaluated, <strong>and</strong> there<strong>for</strong>e the issue of where the corresponding<br />
presupposition must be accommodated is settled right away. In (62b), by<br />
contrast, the hearer doesn't know <strong>for</strong> sure that the speaker intends this<br />
presupposition to be accommodated locally until the second sentence has<br />
been received. That is to say, the final interpretation of the first half of (62b)<br />
)<br />
is partly dependent upon the interpretation of the second half. It is to signal<br />
this that the intonation contour required by denials like (62b) is a marked<br />
one, with a final rise within the negative clause, which the speaker uses to<br />
indicate that his contribution is not yet finished (cf. Horn 1989: 374; Ladd<br />
1980: 145ff). In cases like (62b), by contrast, this signal is not required, <strong>and</strong><br />
there<strong>for</strong>e this sentence can be pronounced with the more common falling<br />
intonation contour.<br />
2.4.3 Bridging<br />
Some presuppositions are harder to accommodate than others; <strong>for</strong> example,<br />
the presuppositions triggered by pronouns are rarely construed by way of<br />
accommodation. When produced 'out of the blue' the following will<br />
generally be felt to be infelicitous, presumably because it isn't clear what the<br />
speaker is referring to:<br />
(65) It's yellow.<br />
By <strong>and</strong> large, a pronoun requires that an explicit antecedent be available,<br />
<strong>and</strong> as long as we ignore the possibility that antecedents are furnished by the<br />
context of discourse, this means that, generally speaking, a pronoun requires<br />
an antecedent expression <strong>for</strong> it to be interpretable. However, there are cases<br />
in which a pronoun can be used even in the absence of an antecedent<br />
expression. (65) might be the beginning of a riddle, <strong>for</strong> example:<br />
(66) It's yellow with black dots <strong>and</strong> two feet tall. What is that<br />
Here the only way to interpret the pronoun is by means of accommodation,<br />
obviously. The same holds, in my opinion, <strong>for</strong> what is sometimes called<br />
'kataphora', that is, cases in which, in<strong>for</strong>mally speaking, a pronoun 'refers<br />
<strong>for</strong>ward' to an antecedent that is yet to be <strong>for</strong>mally introduced.