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Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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72 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />

this theory cannot account <strong>for</strong> such cases, as we will see in the next chapter<br />

(§ 3.5). It is good news <strong>for</strong> the binding theory, which explains the preferred<br />

interpretations of the examples in (62) without further ado.<br />

Be<strong>for</strong>e we leave this subject, at least <strong>for</strong> a while, let us consider why (62b)<br />

requires a marked intonation pattern, while (62a) does not. The answer to<br />

this question is not hard to find. In (62a) <strong>and</strong> (62b) the in<strong>for</strong>mation that<br />

Harry doesn't have a wife is already in at the point at which the definite NP<br />

Harry's wife is evaluated, <strong>and</strong> there<strong>for</strong>e the issue of where the corresponding<br />

presupposition must be accommodated is settled right away. In (62b), by<br />

contrast, the hearer doesn't know <strong>for</strong> sure that the speaker intends this<br />

presupposition to be accommodated locally until the second sentence has<br />

been received. That is to say, the final interpretation of the first half of (62b)<br />

)<br />

is partly dependent upon the interpretation of the second half. It is to signal<br />

this that the intonation contour required by denials like (62b) is a marked<br />

one, with a final rise within the negative clause, which the speaker uses to<br />

indicate that his contribution is not yet finished (cf. Horn 1989: 374; Ladd<br />

1980: 145ff). In cases like (62b), by contrast, this signal is not required, <strong>and</strong><br />

there<strong>for</strong>e this sentence can be pronounced with the more common falling<br />

intonation contour.<br />

2.4.3 Bridging<br />

Some presuppositions are harder to accommodate than others; <strong>for</strong> example,<br />

the presuppositions triggered by pronouns are rarely construed by way of<br />

accommodation. When produced 'out of the blue' the following will<br />

generally be felt to be infelicitous, presumably because it isn't clear what the<br />

speaker is referring to:<br />

(65) It's yellow.<br />

By <strong>and</strong> large, a pronoun requires that an explicit antecedent be available,<br />

<strong>and</strong> as long as we ignore the possibility that antecedents are furnished by the<br />

context of discourse, this means that, generally speaking, a pronoun requires<br />

an antecedent expression <strong>for</strong> it to be interpretable. However, there are cases<br />

in which a pronoun can be used even in the absence of an antecedent<br />

expression. (65) might be the beginning of a riddle, <strong>for</strong> example:<br />

(66) It's yellow with black dots <strong>and</strong> two feet tall. What is that<br />

Here the only way to interpret the pronoun is by means of accommodation,<br />

obviously. The same holds, in my opinion, <strong>for</strong> what is sometimes called<br />

'kataphora', that is, cases in which, in<strong>for</strong>mally speaking, a pronoun 'refers<br />

<strong>for</strong>ward' to an antecedent that is yet to be <strong>for</strong>mally introduced.

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