Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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Presupposition 29<br />
actually has a number of cogent arguments <strong>for</strong> this theory, but I will spare<br />
you the details, because it will be evident already that it is not a good theory<br />
at all. To begin with, it is strange that someone should even consider<br />
developing such a theory in the first place. The evolution of fingers would be<br />
a plausible subject; the evolution of <strong>for</strong>efingers is obviously not. And to make<br />
things even worse, it turns out that there is no way this theory could be<br />
extended so as to deal with the evolution of the other fingers. In brief:<br />
without looking at the details we can tell be<strong>for</strong>eh<strong>and</strong> that the theory is ad<br />
hoc.<br />
Russell's theory of descriptions is like my niece's theory about <strong>for</strong>efingers.<br />
It confines its attention to a small portion of a broad class of related facts,<br />
<strong>and</strong> this limitation is essential to whatever plausibility it may seem to have. If<br />
my niece is convinced that her theory of <strong>for</strong>efingers is a sound one, it is only<br />
because she blithely ignores the other fingers. Similarly, one can only defend<br />
Russell's theory if he closes his eyes to the fact that definite NPs make up<br />
only a fraction of a large complex of related phenomena, which the theory<br />
cannot account <strong>for</strong>.<br />
Of course, Russellians are bound to deny that there are non-trivial<br />
similarities between definite NPs <strong>and</strong> factives, clefts, aspectual verbs, <strong>and</strong> so<br />
on. A thoroughbred Russellian will rather say something like this:<br />
A great range of disparate <strong>and</strong> unrelated phenomena has been<br />
dubbed 'presuppositional' over the years, but [...] it seems highly<br />
implausible that any theoretically important notion will do justice<br />
to the full range of data that semanticists professing an interest in<br />
'presupposition' seek to explain. (Neale 1990: 54)<br />
I have been at pains to show that there is wide range of empirical phenomena<br />
which cry out <strong>for</strong> a common explanation. This is what presupposition<br />
theorists call the projection problem. One can of course choose to ignore this<br />
problem or deny that it exists, as Neale does, but to do so is like saying that<br />
there is no theoretically important notion that can explain why fingers have<br />
evolved, because your niece has developed such a neat account of the<br />
evolution of <strong>for</strong>efingers.<br />
1.5 Where do they come from<br />
In the following chapters the focus will on the problem of presupposition<br />
projection, <strong>and</strong> it will be taken <strong>for</strong> granted that factive verbs presuppose<br />
their clausal complements, that a definite NP of the <strong>for</strong>m 'the N' triggers the<br />
presupposition that some N is contextually given, <strong>and</strong> so on. In short, it will<br />
be assumed that presuppositions are triggered by certain lexical items <strong>and</strong>