Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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The binding theory 81 marker x in the domain of the quantifier, as shown in (81b), which is equivalent to (81c). The second presupposition cannot be bound and must therefore be accommodated. Accommodation in the principal DRS is not possible because this presupposition contains a reference marker, i.e. x, which is introduced in the domain of the quantifier, and so the binding theory predicts that accommodation in the restrictor is the next-preferred option, and we obtain the DRS in (81d). The reading thus obtained is roughly (but only roughly, as we will presently see) paraphrased by (82): (82) Everyone of my friends who owned a copy of 'Lolita' sold it. I think this is a gratifying result, but it has been argued by Beaver (1994) that this prediction is false. Beaver's objection is based upon the supposition that, according to the binding theory, there is no relevant difference at all between (80) and (82). If this were so, then the following contrast would become a problem: (83) a. Hardly any of my friends ever owned a copy of 'Lolita', and everyone of my friends has sold his copy of 'Lolita'. b. Hardly any of my friends ever owned a copy of 'Lolita', and everyone of my friends who owned a copy of 'Lolita' sold it. Whereas (83b) is a fairly normal thing to say, (83a) sounds decidedly odd. However, the binding theory predicts, according to Beaver, that (80) and (82) are equivalent, so it cannot account for the contrast observed in (83). More generally, Beaver charges, the prediction that a presuppositional expression in the scope of a quantifier can give rise to domain restriction is incorrect. It is not hard to see what is wrong with Beaver's objection. There is an obvious difference between (80) and (82), which happens to be of a presuppositional nature. In (80) the quantified subject NP triggers the presupposition that a set of friends is given. The corresponding presupposition triggered in (82) is more specific: it presents as given a set of friends who own a copy of 'Lolita'. If the binding theory had predicted that the same presuppositions are triggered in (80) and (82), Beaver would have had a point. But since it doesn't, he hasn't. This suffices to refute Beaver's objection, but of course there is more to say about the difference between (80) and (82), and how this difference causes the contrast in acceptability between (83a) and (83b). We must somehow account for the fact that (80) and (82) have different presuppositions, and the problem with Kamp and Reyle's version of DRT is that it doesn't provide the means for doing this in a straightforward way. The presupposition triggered by the quantifier in (80) may be paraphrased as 'the speaker's friends'. It may be thought of as the set of individuals which satisfy the
82 Presuppositions and Pronouns restrictor of the duplex condition in (81a). Using Kamp and Reyle's sum operator, this could be represented as follows: (84) [X: X = £x[x: LX[X: friend x]. x], [x: friend x](every x)[u, v: Lolita v, u owned v, x sold v]] Here 'LU
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Presuppositions and Pronouns
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PRESUPPOSITIONS AND PRONOUNS Bart G
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Current Research in the Semantics/P
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To Julia
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Contents PREFACE xi 1 PRESUPPOSITIO
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Preface In his thumbnail sketch of
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xiii presuppositions already involv
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CHAPTER 1 Presupposition The phenom
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Presupposition 3 c. If Barney has s
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Presupposition 5 apply to their int
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Presupposition 17 sentences in (15)
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Presupposition 9 there is a way of
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Presupposition 11 judgment of the f
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Presupposition 13 that requires a m
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Presupposition 15 b. If Barney took
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Presupposition 17 conditionals have
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Presupposition 19 pizzeria in the V
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Presupposition 21 recipient of this
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Presupposition 23 (45) Fred's wife
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Presupposition 25 (51) [the x: King
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Presupposition 27 readings in terms
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Presupposition 29 actually has a nu
Page 46 and 47: Presupposition 31 describes a trans
Page 48 and 49: Presupposition 33 of this complexit
Page 50 and 51: CHAPTER 2 The binding theory Althou
Page 52 and 53: The binding theory 37 b. [y,.w: [v,
Page 54 and 55: The binding theory 39 correlated wi
Page 56 and 57: The binding theory 41 (10) a. Eithe
Page 58 and 59: The binding theory 43 The content o
Page 60 and 61: d. j [.
Page 62 and 63: The binding theory 47 apply. Soames
Page 64 and 65: The binding theory 49 Disjunction '
Page 66 and 67: The binding theory 51 me from sayin
Page 68 and 69: The binding theory 53 (35) a. [u, v
Page 70 and 71: The binding theory 55 line, presupp
Page 72 and 73: The binding theory 57 We are now al
Page 74 and 75: The binding theory 59 interpretatio
Page 76 and 77: The binding theory 61 accommodation
Page 78 and 79: The binding theory 63 sentence (i.e
Page 80 and 81: The binding theory 65 In the preced
Page 82 and 83: The binding theory 67 presuppositio
Page 84 and 85: The binding theory 69 Our procedure
Page 86 and 87: The binding theory 71 c. (Esker too
Page 88 and 89: The binding theory 73 (67) The doct
Page 90 and 91: The binding theory 75 an umbrella,
Page 92 and 93: The binding theory 77 and although
Page 94 and 95: The binding theory 79 any given pre
Page 98 and 99: The binding theory 83 In the versio
Page 100 and 101: The binding theory 85 (88) a. Did y
Page 102 and 103: CHAPTER 3 The satisfaction theory C
Page 104 and 105: The satisfaction theory 89 Accordin
Page 106 and 107: The satisfaction theory 91 b. c[(p
Page 108 and 109: The satisfaction theory 93 (7) Eith
Page 110 and 111: The satisfaction theory 95 conditio
Page 112 and 113: The satisfaction theory 97 § 3.4 a
Page 114 and 115: The satisfaction theory 99 merely p
Page 116 and 117: The satisfaction theory 101 All I h
Page 118 and 119: The satisfaction theory 103 I belie
Page 120 and 121: The satisfaction theory 105 Karttun
Page 122 and 123: The satisfaction theory 107 implies
Page 124 and 125: The satisfaction theory 109 enterta
Page 126 and 127: The satisfaction theory 111 manner.
Page 128 and 129: The satisfaction theory 113 trigger
Page 130 and 131: CHAPTER 4 Dynamic semantics The dif
Page 132 and 133: Dynamic semantics 117 the existenti
Page 134 and 135: Dynamic semantics 119 taken serious
Page 136 and 137: Dynamic semantics 121 phenomena suc
Page 138 and 139: Dynamic semantics 123 implementatio
Page 140 and 141: Dynamic semantics 125 number of pos
Page 142 and 143: Dynamic semantics 127 having to ass
Page 144 and 145: Dynamic semantics 129 Here anaphora
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Dynamic semantics 131 (19) a. Eithe
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CHAPTERS 5 Attitude reports Althoug
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Attitude reports 135 believe, but n
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Attitude reports 137 Presupposition
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Attitude reports 139 (11) Hob think
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Attitude reports 141 have chosen to
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Attitude reports 143 For the verb w
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Attitude reports 145 he has a son,
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Attitude reports 147 all obvious th
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Attitude reports 149 common sense n
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Attitude reports 151 (34) a. There
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Attitude reports 153 (39) a. [x, y,
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Attitude reports 155 c. c - [
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Attitude reports 157 (46b) involves
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Attitude reports 159 5.5 Presupposi
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Attitude reports 161 I have said th
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Attitude reports 163 The first pres
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Attitude reports 165 This argument
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Attitude reports 167 It may sometim
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Attitude reports 169 there is a boy
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Attitude reports 171 and asserts of
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Attitude reports 173 (74) c. [p,p',
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CHAPTER 6 Modals As it stands, the
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Modals 177 111 can be dealt with by
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Modals 179 means that the material
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Modals 181 (13) a. Either it is in
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Modals 183 It is difficult to link
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Modals 185 Assuming just that modal
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Modals 187 g(q') S(q') = {(v,j) { E
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Modals 189 b. Nobody turned up at B
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Modals 191 q. Thus our theory impli
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Modals 193 The discourse in (39) is
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Modals 195 On the Kratzer/Lewis ana
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Modals 197 bound and is therefore a
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Modals 199 that the first sentence
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CHAPTER 7 Names What could be simpl
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Names 203 had scope but will also t
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Names 205 why use this word when a
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Names 207 Although it is always har
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Names 209 apparent difficulties, ca
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Names 211 have names; some of these
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Names 213 is (14c). Hence, on the p
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Names 215 that he himself might hav
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Names 217 alternative theories of m
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Names 219 Since John treats anaphor
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Names 221 NPs, and in doing so he b
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References Asher, N. 1986: Belief i
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References 225 Grice, H.P. 1975: Lo
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References 227 Levinson, S.c. S.C.
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References 229 Zeevat, H. 1989a: A
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Subject index accessibility: 38-39,
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Index of names Asher, N. xiii, 37,1
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