Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
Names 205<br />
why use this word when a possessive pronoun would have done just as well3<br />
3<br />
If this is correct, then we should be able to come up with better examples if<br />
we can somehow motivate the repetition of the name. And we can, <strong>for</strong><br />
instance by increasing the distance between the name <strong>and</strong> its antecedent<br />
<strong>and</strong>/or by introducing competing antecedents:<br />
(7) a. If a child is christened 'Bambi', <strong>and</strong> Disney Inc. hear about it,<br />
then they will sue Bambi's parents.<br />
b. The name of a product is essential to its commercial success.<br />
For example, if you want to buy washing powder <strong>and</strong> are given<br />
the choice between 'Black', 'White', <strong>and</strong> 'Drab', you will<br />
choose White, won't you<br />
It seems to me that (7a) is better than (6b), <strong>and</strong> as far as I can tell there is<br />
nothing wrong with (7b).<br />
The following examples are cases of binding, too, intuitively speaking:<br />
(8) a. Every time we do our Beatles act, [the guy who impersonates]<br />
Ringo gets drunk afterwards.<br />
b. Every time John goes to see a per<strong>for</strong>mance of Hamlet, he falls<br />
in love with [the actress who plays the part of] Ophelia.<br />
(9) a. Perhaps Mary has a son named 'John' <strong>and</strong> perhaps<br />
( 1 . ., .,. c<br />
\ her<br />
{<br />
, . Vis the thief.<br />
[<br />
John<br />
son}.<br />
John J<br />
IS t<br />
h<br />
e t<br />
h·<br />
Ie<br />
f<br />
.<br />
b. Mary is under the illusion that she has a son named 'John' <strong>and</strong><br />
u i_ i- 4.u * f her son 1 . ,, ... r<br />
she believes that {h~~~~n{ T , } > is the thief.<br />
[ John J<br />
In (8a, b) the definite NPs as well as the names can be interpreted non-<br />
nonreferentially.<br />
On this interpretation, Ringo is more or less equivalent with<br />
'whoever impersonates Ringo', <strong>and</strong> the same holds, mutatis mut<strong>and</strong>is, <strong>for</strong><br />
Ophelia. In (9a, b) there is a preference <strong>for</strong> a non-referential interpretation,<br />
<strong>and</strong> intuitively her son or John in the second conjunct is 'bound' in the first.<br />
3<br />
3 This is a familiar situation in the presupposition literature. It is widely held, <strong>for</strong> example, that<br />
in a sentence like the following the presupposition that there is a king of France, which is<br />
triggered by the definite NP in the consequent of the conditional, is somehow intercepted in the<br />
antecedent:<br />
If France has a king, then the king of France is bald.<br />
Of course, this sentence is slightly awkward, too, <strong>and</strong> <strong>for</strong> the same reason: there is no apparent<br />
reason why a full definite should be used instead of a pronoun.