Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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212 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />
• names can be construed non-literally; <strong>and</strong><br />
• names can be construed generically. genetically.<br />
I don't mean to suggest that I can account <strong>for</strong> definiteness restrictions, the<br />
distinction between referential <strong>and</strong> attributive readings, non-literal<br />
construals, <strong>and</strong> genericity. The point I want to make is merely that, given that<br />
definites are subject to definiteness restrictions <strong>and</strong> have referential,<br />
attributive, non-literal, <strong>and</strong> generic interpretations, the presuppositional<br />
theory of names leads us to expect that the same will hold <strong>for</strong> names, which<br />
it does.<br />
The remaining observations from § 7.1 require more detailed explanations:<br />
• Names are typically, though not always, used to refer to objects that are<br />
part of the common ground. That names prefer their referents to be given is<br />
a characteristic they have in common with all other presupposition inducers.<br />
We distinguished two ways of being part of the common ground: either the<br />
intended referent was already introduced into the discourse, or it is given in<br />
broader context in which the discourse takes place. To say that the<br />
presuppositions triggered by names are typically given in one of these ways<br />
is to say that they are rarely construed by means of accommodation. This is<br />
a peculiarity they share with many other presupposition inducing<br />
expressions, including some types of definite NPs; I will return to this point<br />
below.<br />
• Names have bound-variable uses. Any presupposition that is linked to an<br />
antecedent in an embedded DRS will seem to behave like an element bound<br />
by a quantifier. So this is just a special case of the general rule that<br />
presuppositions prefer to be linked to a given antecedent. 8<br />
(14) a. If a child is christened 'Bambi', then Disney will sue Bambi's<br />
parents. (= (6b))<br />
b. [: [x: child x, x is christened 'Bambi']<br />
~ => [y: [u: u is named 'Bambi', Disney sues u's parents]]<br />
c. [: [x: child x, x is christened 'Bambi', x is named 'Bambi']<br />
~ => [: Disney sues x's parents]]<br />
The second occurrence of the name Bambi in (14a) triggers the<br />
presupposition that there is someone named Bambi, as shown in (14b) (at its<br />
first occurrence the name is mentioned, not used). This presupposition is<br />
bound in the antecedent of the conditional, <strong>and</strong> the resulting interpretation<br />
8 Here I revert to the st<strong>and</strong>ard DRT analysis of conditionals, but only because it makes <strong>for</strong><br />
DRSs that are easier to parse than the ones I have proposed (§ 6.4).