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Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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102 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />

a. But of course there are no piranhas in the Rhine.<br />

b. But of course Fred isn't married.<br />

It seems to me that while it is perfectly okay to cancel an ordinary<br />

conversational implicature, it is impossible to cancel the inference which,<br />

according to the satisfaction theory, is based upon such an implicature.<br />

The observation which the fourth <strong>and</strong> final objection turns upon is a<br />

straight<strong>for</strong>ward one. The argument from truth-functionality is meant to<br />

strengthen conditional presuppositions which arise, or are supposed to arise,<br />

in an indirect way, as they are pieced together out of material contributed by<br />

a presuppositional expression as well as its carrier sentence (<strong>for</strong> example, the<br />

antecedent of a conditional). But actually it shouldn't make a difference how<br />

this presupposition arises. In particular, the argument should also apply if the<br />

presupposition were triggered directly, <strong>for</strong> example, if a conditional is<br />

embedded within the scope of a factive predicate, as in the following<br />

example:<br />

(24) Barney knows that if the problem was difficult, then someone<br />

solved it.<br />

Here the presupposition that (19b) is true is triggered directly, <strong>and</strong> intuitively<br />

(24) does indeed presuppose that (19b) is true, <strong>and</strong> nothing more. In fact it<br />

would be quite remarkable if (24) would ever give rise to the inference that<br />

someone solved the problem, except of course in contexts in which it is given<br />

that the conditional's antecedent is true. According to the satisfaction theory,<br />

however, (24) parallels (19a) <strong>and</strong> it should there<strong>for</strong>e be possible to find<br />

contexts in which it implies that someone solved the problem. In fact, it<br />

should be sufficient that a speaker who utters (24) doesn't know if the<br />

problem is difficult, <strong>for</strong> then the two essential conditions in the truth-<br />

truthfunctionality<br />

argument, viz. (18b) <strong>and</strong> (18c), would be satisfied. This<br />

prediction doesn't tally with our intuitions, however: it is obvious that even<br />

in such a context, we wouldn't infer from (24) that someone solved the<br />

problem.<br />

Or consider the following discourse:<br />

(25) I don't know if the problem was difficult or not, but I do find it<br />

surprising that if the problem was difficult, then someone has<br />

solved it.<br />

A speaker who utters (25) presupposes that (19b) is true <strong>and</strong> asserts that he<br />

doesn't know if the problem is difficult or not. But we wouldn't normally<br />

infer from his utterance that he assumes that someone has solved the<br />

problem. So, once more, the truth-functionality argument makes the wrong<br />

predictions.

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