Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics
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102 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />
a. But of course there are no piranhas in the Rhine.<br />
b. But of course Fred isn't married.<br />
It seems to me that while it is perfectly okay to cancel an ordinary<br />
conversational implicature, it is impossible to cancel the inference which,<br />
according to the satisfaction theory, is based upon such an implicature.<br />
The observation which the fourth <strong>and</strong> final objection turns upon is a<br />
straight<strong>for</strong>ward one. The argument from truth-functionality is meant to<br />
strengthen conditional presuppositions which arise, or are supposed to arise,<br />
in an indirect way, as they are pieced together out of material contributed by<br />
a presuppositional expression as well as its carrier sentence (<strong>for</strong> example, the<br />
antecedent of a conditional). But actually it shouldn't make a difference how<br />
this presupposition arises. In particular, the argument should also apply if the<br />
presupposition were triggered directly, <strong>for</strong> example, if a conditional is<br />
embedded within the scope of a factive predicate, as in the following<br />
example:<br />
(24) Barney knows that if the problem was difficult, then someone<br />
solved it.<br />
Here the presupposition that (19b) is true is triggered directly, <strong>and</strong> intuitively<br />
(24) does indeed presuppose that (19b) is true, <strong>and</strong> nothing more. In fact it<br />
would be quite remarkable if (24) would ever give rise to the inference that<br />
someone solved the problem, except of course in contexts in which it is given<br />
that the conditional's antecedent is true. According to the satisfaction theory,<br />
however, (24) parallels (19a) <strong>and</strong> it should there<strong>for</strong>e be possible to find<br />
contexts in which it implies that someone solved the problem. In fact, it<br />
should be sufficient that a speaker who utters (24) doesn't know if the<br />
problem is difficult, <strong>for</strong> then the two essential conditions in the truth-<br />
truthfunctionality<br />
argument, viz. (18b) <strong>and</strong> (18c), would be satisfied. This<br />
prediction doesn't tally with our intuitions, however: it is obvious that even<br />
in such a context, we wouldn't infer from (24) that someone solved the<br />
problem.<br />
Or consider the following discourse:<br />
(25) I don't know if the problem was difficult or not, but I do find it<br />
surprising that if the problem was difficult, then someone has<br />
solved it.<br />
A speaker who utters (25) presupposes that (19b) is true <strong>and</strong> asserts that he<br />
doesn't know if the problem is difficult or not. But we wouldn't normally<br />
infer from his utterance that he assumes that someone has solved the<br />
problem. So, once more, the truth-functionality argument makes the wrong<br />
predictions.