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Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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Attitude reports 151<br />

(34) a. There is an A^ Ax who believes that there is a B By, , <strong>and</strong> hex he^. also<br />

believes that she y<br />

is a C.<br />

b. [1 [j x, X, p, q, r: Ax, x believes p & q & r,<br />

q = p+b p+[ 2 y:By],r r = q+[ b 3 :Cy]] : The indices in (34a) serve to indicate co-reference, as usual, but furthermore<br />

the index on a noun phrase is a homograph of the reference marker which<br />

represents that noun phrase in (34b); this convention (which is not part of the<br />

theory) is meant to clarify the links between between NPs <strong>and</strong> their semantic<br />

representations. In (34b), q is an extension of p, <strong>and</strong> q is extended by r: q<br />

adds to p the in<strong>for</strong>mation that there is a y such that By, <strong>and</strong> r adds to q the<br />

in<strong>for</strong>mation that Cy. And since x st<strong>and</strong>s in the believes relation to p, q, <strong>and</strong> r,<br />

he must believe that there is a y such that By <strong>and</strong> Cy.<br />

(35) a. If an Ax r believes that there is a By, v , hex r also believes that she,,<br />

~ y y<br />

is a C.<br />

b. [1 [j:: [ b 2 x, p, q: Ax, x believes p & q, q = p+[ p+b 3 y: By]] ::::::} =><br />

[4[ 4 r: x believes r, r = q+[s 5 : Cy]]]<br />

The DRS in (35b) represents the content of (35a), <strong>and</strong> its intuitive<br />

interpretation is the following. Let x be an arbitrary object such that Ax, <strong>and</strong><br />

suppose that x's doxastic context is correctly characterized by some p <strong>and</strong> q,<br />

where q extends p with the in<strong>for</strong>mation that there is a y such that By: then it<br />

must be the case that there is an r which extends q with the in<strong>for</strong>mation that<br />

Cy such that x's doxastic context is correctly characterized by r.<br />

Examples like (34) <strong>and</strong> (35) show that in the present version of DRT, a<br />

DRS may contain identity conditions that affect the extension of the<br />

accessibility relation. (34b 2 ) is accessible to (34b 3 ) only because the <strong>for</strong>mer<br />

extends a prepositional propositional term, p, yielding a term q which in its turn is extended<br />

by the latter; the same holds <strong>for</strong> (35b 3 ) <strong>and</strong> (35b s 5 ). However, in neither case<br />

do we want to say that the main DRS is accessible to these embedded DRSs,<br />

<strong>for</strong> the following reason. Saying that a DRS

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