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Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

Presuppositions and Pronouns - Nijmegen Centre for Semantics

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20 <strong>Presuppositions</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Pronouns</strong><br />

the main goal of this section is not to argue against any particular theory,<br />

but to delineate presuppositions from implicatures, <strong>and</strong> one way of doing<br />

this is by showing that there is no such thing as a projection problem <strong>for</strong><br />

implicatures. ll 11<br />

<strong>Presuppositions</strong> are triggered by certain lexical items <strong>and</strong> grammatical<br />

constructions, <strong>and</strong> there<strong>for</strong>e it makes sense to say that presuppositions may<br />

be induced in embedded positions. Conversational implicatures, in contrast,<br />

are licensed by utterances in certain contexts, <strong>and</strong> are not, or at least not<br />

necessarily, tied up with specific linguistic <strong>for</strong>ms. There<strong>for</strong>e, it is a category<br />

mistake to speak of conversational implicatures as arising in embedded<br />

positions. 12 To bring home this point, let us compare the following<br />

examples:<br />

(38) a. Fred kissed some of the girls.<br />

b. It is not the case that Fred kissed all the girls.<br />

(39) a. Wilma believes that Fred kissed some of the girls.<br />

b. It is not the case that Wilma believes that Fred kissed all the<br />

girls.<br />

The definite NP the girls triggers the presupposition that there were girls,<br />

<strong>and</strong> sure enough both (38a) <strong>and</strong> (39a) inherit this presupposition, <strong>for</strong><br />

normally speaking either one of these statements would be taken to imply<br />

that a group of girls is contextually given. At the same time, these sentences<br />

seem to somehow imply the falsity of (38b) <strong>and</strong> (39b), respectively.13 These<br />

inferences may be construed as conversational implicatures, along the<br />

following lines. It is plausible to suppose that the truth conditions associated<br />

with some are such that (38a) is strictly speaking true even in a situation<br />

where all the girls were kissed by Fred. An utterance of (38a) in such a<br />

situation might be misleading but it would not be false. Nonetheless, the<br />

11 11 Sadock (1978) <strong>and</strong> Karttunen <strong>and</strong> Peters (1979) have proposed that (some) presuppositions<br />

are really conventional implicatures, but, as Levinson (1983: 217) observes, since the concept of<br />

conventional implicature is such as troubled one, this is just a terminological sidestep, <strong>and</strong> I will<br />

not consider it further. In general, when I speak of 'implicatures' tout court, I will mean<br />

conversational implicatures.<br />

12 12 It might be argued that only generalized conversational implicatures show projection<br />

behaviour (cf. Levinson 1997). Since, according to Grice (1975), a generalized conversational<br />

implicature is associated with 'a certain <strong>for</strong>m of words' (which I take to imply that it is a<br />

conventionalized conversational implicature), it would at least be conceptually coherent to<br />

claim that implicatures can be triggered in embedded positions. But otherwise this position<br />

suffers from the same problems that I will discuss in the following.<br />

13 13 In the case of (39a) it is tempting to infer that Wilma believes that Fred didn't kiss all the girls,<br />

which is stronger than (39b). But this inference can be left out of account here.

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