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Diversity of Journalisms. Proceedings of <strong>ECREA</strong>/CICOM Conference, Pamplona, 4-5 July 2011<br />

Taking into account <strong>the</strong> plan’s legal and political features, and its being subordinated to<br />

<strong>the</strong> constitutional framework, a main problem can be seen: <strong>the</strong> impossibility of <strong>the</strong><br />

Spanish State – which is made up of different autonomous regions (<strong>the</strong> regional state<br />

established in 1978) - to adjust to <strong>the</strong> different historical and geographical realities. As<br />

a consequence, <strong>the</strong>re is a legal vacuum which prevents <strong>the</strong> particular features of <strong>the</strong>se<br />

entities from being legally recognized. Within this context, <strong>the</strong> plan – entitled “Proposal<br />

of a Political Statute for <strong>the</strong> Autonomous Region of Euskadi” – tries to detail <strong>the</strong> type of<br />

relationship that should be established between <strong>the</strong> Spanish State and <strong>the</strong> Basque<br />

autonomous region. Its legitimacy is based on <strong>the</strong> rights that <strong>the</strong> Basque citizenship<br />

possesses to decide <strong>the</strong>ir own future, one of <strong>the</strong> key aspects in <strong>the</strong> statutory articles.<br />

Zallo (1997: 152) explains that sovereignism is a matrix concept within which<br />

nationalism is reconciled with democracy as agreed during <strong>the</strong> Spanish Transition to<br />

Democracy. Self-determination hence entails <strong>the</strong> application of sovereignty and <strong>the</strong><br />

appearance of different political scenarios which range from achieving different<br />

degrees of autonomy to <strong>the</strong> creation of a Basque State. “Self-determination” is<br />

none<strong>the</strong>less an empty signifier (Laclau 1996: 36), i.e. a signifier which has no meaning<br />

and whose semantic connotations vary depending on <strong>the</strong> context where <strong>the</strong>y are<br />

produced.<br />

In spite of this semantic vacuity, two problems can be found when this right is to be<br />

applied (Perales, 2009): its being exercised depends on sovereign will, and sovereignty<br />

is understood as coming from Spanish citizenship as a whole. Formally, Ibarretxe’s<br />

proposal is constitutional: legitimate and protected by <strong>the</strong> Spanish Constitution when<br />

understood as an initiative proposed by <strong>the</strong> President as an autonomous region and as<br />

a procedure.Likewise, <strong>the</strong> Basque government does not mention explicitly a new<br />

Basque State being created, but refers to <strong>the</strong> need of <strong>the</strong> Basque community to be<br />

recognized as a national reality (country) within a complex State.<br />

Historical Context<br />

The sovereignist plan proposed by <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>n president of Euskadi, Juan José Ibarretxe,<br />

clashed against <strong>the</strong> idea held by <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>n- PP 80 Central government about <strong>the</strong> future of<br />

<strong>the</strong> Spanish State, which <strong>the</strong>y believed should be determined by state unity and <strong>the</strong><br />

sovereignty of <strong>the</strong> entirety of <strong>the</strong> Spanish people. On <strong>the</strong> contrary, when PSOE gained<br />

power, <strong>the</strong>re is a new period characterised by implication in <strong>the</strong> media, and<br />

newspapers taking part in <strong>the</strong> debate over <strong>the</strong> right to self-determination.<br />

The so-called Ibarretxe plan was born in a complex context characterized by <strong>the</strong> 2002-<br />

2003 illegalization process of those political parties associated to <strong>the</strong> abertzale left and<br />

Batasuna being subsequently included in <strong>the</strong> EU list of terrorist organizations. At <strong>the</strong><br />

same time, some abertzale-left-related mass media were closed and Spain’s Penal<br />

Code was reformed, hence managing to penalize any referendum being called by <strong>the</strong><br />

80 PP as standing for Partido Popular, a centre-right party, and PSOE for Partido Socialista Obrero Español, a socialist<br />

party.<br />

271

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