Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

122 Chaco Project SynthesisSebastian's (1988, 1992) later discussion of change inleadership roles through time (see below).Composition of the population living in thecanyon and the San Juan Basin must also beconsidered. Truell's (1986:218-219) observation thatthere are two types of pit structures in the A.D. 500sthrough the early A.D. 700s and the differencesbetween construction techniques for small houses indifferent localities suggest standards did vary.Akins's (1985) observations on differences among theuses of carnivores at sites 29SJ423 and 29SJ628provoked a comment about different attitudes towardthese animals. Different attitudes could reflectdifferences among people of the same background, orsuggest the existence of different social groups. Ifdifferent groups existed and a desire to identify withtheir social groups became more important, perhapsthis brought about increased use of decoration onceramic vessels after A.D. 700. There was anincrease in the numbers of white ware vessels throughtime and improvements in technology; e.g., the use ofslip after A.D. 850 (R. Toll and McKenna 1997).Based on craniometric analyses, Schillaci (2003)recently proposed a link between two distinct humanpopUlation samples in southwestern Colorado and thetwo burial popUlations from the Classic period atPueblo Bonito. Whether additional distinct populationsco-existed in the canyon is unknown; the lackof human remains from Basketmaker III and Pueblo Isites precludes definitive research of this type.Gwinn Vivian (1990) discussed the Chaco datawithin a larger regional framework of the San JuanBasin. Both architecture and ceramics were used tosupport the existence of four regional divisions duringthe Basketmaker III and Pueblo I periods. During theBasketmaker III period, he included Chaco Canyonsites in his La Plata variant (Gwinn Vivian 1990:Figure 5.1), which extends from the Mesa Verde onthe north to the lower Chuska Valley on the south, andfrom the Arizona-New Mexico border on the west tothe "Chaco core" on the east. His Lupton variant(located to the southwest) slowly expands and overlapswith the La Plata variant by Pueblo I; during thisperiod they are called the Piedra and the WhiteMound-Kiatuthlana variants (Gwinn Vivian 1990:Figure 6.1). Vivian's data support Bullard's (1962)conclusion that both a southern and northern populationwere present in Chaco Canyon during this period.Gwinn Vivian (1990: 133-134) suggested that theChaco core area was initially a hunting and gatheringarea used by descendants of En Medio period peopleswho probably retreated into the highland areas orbecame sedentary during Basketmaker III. Hesuggested that La Plata colonists also moved into thearea and established homes, so that by A.D. 700people who descended from both variants were firmlyentrenched. For Pueblo I, he listed several distinctionsthat are seen in the architecture of the San JuanBasin sites: 1) the northern habitation surface roomsare twice as large as the southern ones; 2) thenorthern-related sites link room blocks and createplazas; 3) the northern sites exhibit a curvilinear plan,in contrast to short linear room blocks found in thesouth; 4) in southern-style sites, the ramada workareas are not as well defined or tied to storage roomsas those in the north; and 5) great kivas are found inthe northern sites but not in the southern. Thus,Vivian (1990: 153-154) would support Bullard's(1962) observations, with expected forms in the ChacoBasin being transitional between the two areas. Thisdifferentiation and overlapping use of the canyonformed the basis for later developments; Vivianattributed the construction of sites that exhibited greathouses to northern populations, who established watercontrol systems and gridded gardens; the southernpopulations were considered inhabitants of smallhouse sites who continued to use akchin farmingmethods.If Gwinn Vivian's distinctions for the BasketmakerIII-Pueblo I period are correct, the two BasketmakerIII sites with great kivas (Shabik'eshcheeVillage and 29SJ423) reflect the presence of anorthern popUlation that relied on hunting andgathering and remained in place into Pueblo I times.The curvilinear plan at 29SJ724 (McKenna 1986:Figure 1.15) also reflects a northern characteristic.The Basketmaker III component at 29S1299 (McKenna1986:Figures 1.9 and 1.10) is linear, as is the PuebloI component at 29SJ627 (McKenna 1986:Figure1.18), reflecting southern styles. At 29SJ629, thePueblo I component started out as a linear block thatlater curves at one end, perhaps reflecting a mixing ofthe two types. Whether this mixing indicates thatpeople from the two areas lived at the same site(perhaps an intermarriage and adaptation by onespouse to the other's style) has not be examined.