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Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

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The Classic Adaptation 223number <strong>of</strong> infant deaths was considered low, butevidence for anemia was present in 83 percent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>children under 10 years <strong>of</strong> age (Akins 1986). Theunderrepresentation <strong>of</strong> infants <strong>and</strong> children in <strong>the</strong>western burial rooms at Pueblo Bonito <strong>and</strong> highnumber <strong>of</strong> children at Kin Neole (Palkovich 1984)could be indicative <strong>of</strong> a small residential population in<strong>the</strong> canyon with o<strong>the</strong>r family members living elsewhere.Periodic visits into <strong>the</strong> canyon were proposed.Akins's (1986) identification <strong>of</strong> two distinctburial populations in Pueblo Bonito indicates thatsocial structure encompassed some form <strong>of</strong> sharingamong <strong>the</strong> population at this si teo When comparedwith each o<strong>the</strong>r, stature differences between <strong>the</strong> twogroups were documented, but both groups tended tobe taller than those utilizing <strong>the</strong> small house sites.Although her sample was small, Akins did findpossible links between <strong>the</strong>se two Pueblo Bonitopopulations <strong>and</strong> two distinct small house sites. Ifproven correct, this would indicate that relationshipsbetween <strong>the</strong>se two types <strong>of</strong> sites were highly integrated<strong>and</strong> that many who used <strong>the</strong> great house mayhave been living in neighboring small sites.Schillaci's (2003) confirmation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> distinctpopUlations in Pueblo Bonito <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir probable ties toearlier Basketmaker III populations in southwesternColorado, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir later ties to both <strong>the</strong> Hopi-Zuniarea <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Rio Gr<strong>and</strong>e, suggest that mobility <strong>of</strong>groups through time. Mobility among differentgenetic groups <strong>and</strong> increasing populations in <strong>the</strong>sou<strong>the</strong>rn <strong>San</strong> <strong>Juan</strong> <strong>Basin</strong> by <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> late ninth<strong>and</strong> early tenth centuries probably brought about aneed for adaptations in social organization to smoothrelationships among different groups, as well as ensure<strong>the</strong>ir survival. Two groups were able to establish formalburial repositories in <strong>the</strong> central <strong>and</strong> largest site in<strong>the</strong> canyon. Because <strong>the</strong>re is evidence for more thanone group living fairly close to ano<strong>the</strong>r in some parts<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>San</strong> <strong>Juan</strong> <strong>Basin</strong> during <strong>the</strong> Basketmaker III­Pueblo I period (Chapter 4), <strong>the</strong>y would have builtupon earlier foundations, possibly exp<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>the</strong>levels at which decisions were made for differentgroups (e.g., continuation <strong>of</strong> use <strong>of</strong> turquoise <strong>and</strong>shell <strong>of</strong>ferings during construction). Leaders may alsohave had a need to distinguish <strong>the</strong>mselves from o<strong>the</strong>rgroup leaders, whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>y were in ei<strong>the</strong>r situationalor ranked positions. How we interpret <strong>the</strong> closure <strong>of</strong>sites with different animal remains or ceramics has notyet been addressed, but <strong>the</strong> difference among <strong>the</strong>semarkers needs to be explored. Similarly, <strong>the</strong> variabilityin wall decorations around A.D. 1050 may beindicative <strong>of</strong> a need to mark rooms used by specificfamilies/clans/sodalities,The identification <strong>of</strong> several possible clanlsodality rooms in great houses <strong>and</strong> Pepper's (1920)observations <strong>of</strong> resemblances <strong>of</strong> artifacts from PuebloBonito to historic Pueblo society indicate thatmechanisms for integrating different groups may havebeen in place. That a cosmology existed that includedknowledge <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> movement <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sun <strong>and</strong> moon <strong>and</strong>probably a yearly calendar is likely. The documentation<strong>of</strong> two sun-watching stations, in addition to <strong>the</strong>solstice marker on Fajada Butte-all probably solsticeobservation sites-<strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r possible architecturalfeatures from which similar observations could bemade suggest an early origin for some <strong>of</strong>this historicPueblo cosmology.If <strong>the</strong>se lines <strong>of</strong> evidence are verified, any model<strong>of</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>an social organization will have to becarefully evaluated to determine whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong>re werehereditary leaders or if <strong>the</strong> society operated under amore corporate mode. The <strong>Chaco</strong> Project, <strong>the</strong>refore,has raised many questions about early Pueblo society.Until we have better methods to estimate population<strong>and</strong> determine <strong>the</strong> seasonality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> large <strong>and</strong>small structures, as well as <strong>the</strong>ir functions throughtime, <strong>the</strong> amount <strong>and</strong> impact <strong>of</strong> mobility, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>chronological depth <strong>of</strong> Pueblo ritual/ceremonial practices,our explanations will remain only models to betested by future archaeologists. (See Chapter 9 for anevaluation <strong>of</strong> models proposed for <strong>Chaco</strong> socialorganization. )

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