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Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

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190 <strong>Chaco</strong> Project Syn<strong>the</strong>sisresidences held true for great houses. He acknowledgedthat if lower floor firepits were consideredrepresentative <strong>of</strong> permanent occupation, <strong>the</strong> presence<strong>of</strong> firepits in multi storied structures could be problematic.He also realized that Hopi populationsmoved seasonally from upper to lower stories toconserve energy (Mindeleff 1891:103). These variablesinfluence <strong>the</strong> outcome <strong>of</strong> any estimates. Windes(1984:83) settled on <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> first-story firepits asindications <strong>of</strong> habitations used by a family <strong>of</strong> six tosuggest that 2,000 people may have lived in greathouses on a year-round basis. This represents adecrease <strong>of</strong> 700 to 900 fewer people than estimated byei<strong>the</strong>r Hayes (1981) or Drager (1976b). Reyman(1989:51-52), after reviewing Pepper's field notesfrom Pueblo Bonito, commented that some <strong>of</strong> Pepper' s(1920) room descriptions were incomplete <strong>and</strong> did notinclude all floor features, so that Windes's estimatesfor this great house are probably too low. Bernardini(1999) recently provided ano<strong>the</strong>r low popUlationestimate for great houses.In his initial reanalysis <strong>of</strong> small site populations,Windes (1982) used <strong>the</strong> 1972 site survey records, butseparated Pueblo II <strong>and</strong> Pueblo III into early <strong>and</strong> latephases. His results (Table 6.7) indicate a fluctuationin popUlation during Late Pueblo II, when a slightdecrease was noted. The drop from 2,736 to 2,505,<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n an increase to 2,889, was correlated withchanges in rainfall patterns. Thus, Windes thoughtthat few small-site occupations dated to <strong>the</strong> LatePueblo II period.Windes (1982b, 1984) also realized that <strong>the</strong>ceramic samples collected during <strong>the</strong> inventory surveydid not truly represent <strong>the</strong> occupation periods at anumber <strong>of</strong> small sites. He attributed part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>difference to changing patterns <strong>of</strong> trash depositionthrough time. At sites with long occupations spanningLate Pueblo I <strong>and</strong> Early Pueblo II, a formal extramuraltrash midden appears, usually to <strong>the</strong> east orsou<strong>the</strong>ast <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> habitation <strong>and</strong> work areas. As <strong>the</strong> siteexp<strong>and</strong>s, this area may be covered by a plaza; latertrash deposits <strong>of</strong>ten appear only on house mounds. At<strong>the</strong> large pueblos, trash in <strong>the</strong> mounds usuallyrepresents construction debris initially consisting <strong>of</strong> aRed Mesa ceramic assemblage but accrued predominantlyduring <strong>the</strong> Gallup ceramic assemblage (ca.A.D. 1050 to 1100). At large pueblos constructedafter A.D. 1100, <strong>the</strong>re is usually no midden; but trashwas being deposited in unoccupied rooms in bothsmall <strong>and</strong> large structures. As a result, <strong>the</strong> inventorysurvey samples did not always reflect lateroccupations.Resurvey <strong>of</strong> sample transects on <strong>the</strong> canyon floorbetween Shabik'eshchee Village <strong>and</strong> Penasco Blancoin 1985 led Windes (1987[1]:383-405) to fur<strong>the</strong>rreduce his small-site population estimates. Small sitesdated to <strong>the</strong> Early Pueblo II (Red Mesa ceramicassemblage) period were found along <strong>the</strong> eastern half<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> canyon floor, but were not visible along <strong>the</strong>western half, possibly because <strong>the</strong>y may be buriedunder a later occupation. Sites with a Gallup ceramicassemblage (Late Pueblo II) also appear in <strong>the</strong> easternhalf <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> canyon. Windes proposed that <strong>the</strong> drop inpopUlation at small sites between A.D. 1050 <strong>and</strong> 1100might signify a clustering <strong>of</strong> people in great houses in<strong>the</strong> central canyon. (Yet, as part <strong>of</strong> his analysis <strong>of</strong>great house popUlations, above, this is <strong>the</strong> periodwhen <strong>the</strong>y are least likely to have been strictly habitationsites.) Around A.D. 1100, however, <strong>the</strong>re aremore small sites, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y are now found predominantlyon <strong>the</strong> western half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> canyon. Basedon approximately two families per kiva <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>inference that only about half <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> kivas would havebeen contemporary, Windes (1987[1]:392) suggesteda population <strong>of</strong> less than 1,000 in <strong>the</strong> small houses,with 300 to 600 people living in great houses for both<strong>the</strong> mid-1000s <strong>and</strong> early 1100s.Mills (1986) noted that Windes's survey (Windes<strong>and</strong> Doleman 1985) was restricted to habitation sites<strong>of</strong> three to four, or more, rooms. In her analysis <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> proveniences <strong>and</strong> artifacts documented during <strong>the</strong>additional l<strong>and</strong>s survey, Mills (1986:Table 4.14) indicatedthat over 40 percent <strong>of</strong> both categories wasattributed to <strong>the</strong> period between A.D. 1030 <strong>and</strong> 1130.The second highest period was A.D. 890 to 1025, butin both instances <strong>the</strong>re was variability in numbersamong <strong>the</strong> four survey areas. Sebastian <strong>and</strong> Altschul(1986:Table 2.32) achieved similar results based onanalysis <strong>of</strong> habitation structure size.Lekson (1984a 1988a, 1988b:l02-129, 1989)also questioned <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> population estimates basedon room counts; he chose pithouses-kivas as an index<strong>of</strong> family counts. Acknowledging that early pit

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