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Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

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Related Communities 255foodstuffs kept in storage facilities <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> means toredistribute goods could have brought relief to <strong>the</strong>uneven production <strong>of</strong> subsistence resources throughout<strong>the</strong> basin. R. Powers et al. (1983:341-342) wereinterested in addressing <strong>the</strong> issues <strong>of</strong> interdependencerelated to local specialization <strong>and</strong> whe<strong>the</strong>r redistributionwas <strong>the</strong> principal mode <strong>of</strong> exchange. Theythought that if <strong>the</strong> function <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>an great housein <strong>the</strong> outlying communities was as a residence forlocal elite <strong>and</strong> a regional or subregional administrativeor exchange center, <strong>the</strong>n it is reasonable to assume that<strong>the</strong> appearance <strong>of</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>an structures throughout <strong>the</strong><strong>San</strong> <strong>Juan</strong> <strong>Basin</strong> by around A.D. 900 signals <strong>the</strong> formalparticipation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> individual communities in anextensive regional system <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> emergence <strong>of</strong> aranked society.The mechanisms for exchange were not wellunderstood; <strong>the</strong>re are no, or few, durable goodsrepresent from <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong> that could be exchangedfor ceramics, lithics, or wood. Perhaps labor to build<strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>an structures was involved. Roads did link<strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong> to diverse ecosystems; yet few roadswent beyond <strong>the</strong> edges <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Basin</strong>. Becausemost <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> goods that were brought into <strong>Chaco</strong><strong>Canyon</strong> did not seem to be redistributed to neighboringsites outside <strong>the</strong> canyon, <strong>the</strong> canyon did notappear to function as an effective redistribution center.Even among <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>an structures within <strong>Chaco</strong><strong>Canyon</strong> <strong>the</strong>re were discrepancies in expected distributions<strong>of</strong> imported materials if <strong>the</strong>se centers wereexpected to control items from sources located at <strong>the</strong>ends <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> specific roads <strong>the</strong>y headed. R. Powers etal. (1983:343) realized that much more work wouldneed to be done in order to clarify this point.If a coordination <strong>of</strong> exchange, or o<strong>the</strong>r political<strong>and</strong> ceremonial interactions, did lead to <strong>the</strong> rise <strong>of</strong> aregional elite centered in <strong>the</strong> canyon, <strong>the</strong> eliteprobably did not appear until around A.D. 1075 to1100, after <strong>the</strong>re was an increase in construction <strong>of</strong><strong>Chaco</strong>an structures in both <strong>the</strong> canyon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>San</strong><strong>Juan</strong> <strong>Basin</strong>. The possibility <strong>of</strong> rival elite centers in <strong>the</strong><strong>San</strong> <strong>Juan</strong> area (Aztec <strong>and</strong> Salmon ruins) at this timewas proposed. There was evidence <strong>of</strong> major constructionat Aztec East in <strong>the</strong> A.D. 1100s <strong>and</strong> early A.D.1200s, but major construction episodes in <strong>the</strong> canyonceased in <strong>the</strong> early A.D. 1100s. By A.D. 1130, <strong>and</strong>continuing through 1180, a 50-year drought wasindicated in <strong>the</strong> tree-ring record, possibly causing <strong>the</strong>demise <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> system in <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong>, especially if<strong>the</strong> canyon's inhabitants were dependent on food cropsfrom this nor<strong>the</strong>rn area.In summary, <strong>the</strong> two initial surveys <strong>of</strong> outlying<strong>Chaco</strong>an structures in <strong>the</strong> <strong>San</strong> <strong>Juan</strong> <strong>Basin</strong> provided ageneral outline for <strong>the</strong> initial construction <strong>of</strong>regionwide <strong>Chaco</strong>an structures, identified <strong>the</strong>irlocations in better watered areas <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> basin, indicateda hierarchy <strong>of</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>an structure size, <strong>and</strong> evaluated<strong>the</strong> hypo<strong>the</strong>sis <strong>of</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong> as a redistribution center.Although redistribution was not substantiated, <strong>the</strong>centrality <strong>of</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong> was accepted, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>probability <strong>of</strong> a ranked society to coordinate itsfunctions was suggested. However, <strong>the</strong> function <strong>of</strong>this center needed fur<strong>the</strong>r investigation. At <strong>the</strong> sametime, o<strong>the</strong>r investigators were conducting research atseveral <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> outlying communities. Their workprovides a closer look at life in <strong>the</strong>se communitiesduring several time periods.Research at Three Great House CommunitiesContemporaneous survey <strong>and</strong> excavation byo<strong>the</strong>r investigators at three communities providedmore detailed information about local adaptations <strong>and</strong>interrelations with <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong>. The Guadalupecommunity in <strong>the</strong> middle Rio Puerco Valley to <strong>the</strong>sou<strong>the</strong>ast has evidence for an initial occupation in <strong>the</strong>late Basketmaker-Pueblo I period <strong>and</strong> for continueduse through Pueblo III (Baker <strong>and</strong> Dur<strong>and</strong> 2003;Irwin-Williams <strong>and</strong> Baker 1991). The Bis sa' anicommunity on <strong>the</strong> Escavada Wash nor<strong>the</strong>ast <strong>of</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong><strong>Canyon</strong> was short lived. It was established aroundA.D. 1100 in an area not previously inhabited, <strong>and</strong>was ab<strong>and</strong>oned in <strong>the</strong> mid- A.D. 1100s (Bretemitz etal. 1982). The Salmon community on <strong>the</strong> <strong>San</strong> <strong>Juan</strong>River was established in an area where <strong>the</strong>re had beensome earlier settlement. The great house was constructedin <strong>the</strong> late A.D. WOOs <strong>and</strong> was used throughPueblo III (Irwin-Williams <strong>and</strong> Shelley 1980). Basedon <strong>the</strong>ir view <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>San</strong> <strong>Juan</strong> <strong>Basin</strong> from <strong>the</strong> peripherylooking toward <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong>, investigators at each <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong>se communities suggested models as to how<strong>Chaco</strong>an culture was integrated within <strong>the</strong>ir subarea <strong>of</strong><strong>the</strong> larger system <strong>and</strong> how <strong>the</strong> system operated.

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