Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

The Florescence 131ExcavationsData from excavations not only expanded ourunderstanding of the chronological developments inarchitecture, ceramics, and artifact types, but alsoraised several new topics for discussion. Site29SJ1360, located on a ridge north of Fajada Butte,'was originally thought to be representative of PuebloI, but was an excellent example of Pueblo II use.Within the discrete geographic area known as Marcia'sRincon, three sites (29SJ627, 29SJ628, and 29SJ629)were excavated, and three others (29SJ626, 29SJ630,and 29SJ633) were tested to examine settlementchange through time (see summary in Truell1992:6-8). Because numerous roads entered the canyon nearPueblo Alto (29SJ389), this great house was chosenfor excavation (Windes 1987[1]). Other excavatedsites included a road-related feature (29JS 1010)(Drager and Lyons 1983a); the Chetro Ketl field(Loose and Lyons 1976a); a shrine at 29SJ423 (Hayesand Windes 1975); several stone circles (Windes1978); and the fireboxes fronting Hillside ruin nearPueblo Bonito (Windes, field notes, 1978). This summaryillustrates why the period from A.D. 850 to1150 includes the florescence of Chaco culture andunderscores new issues, not all of which have yet beenfully resolved.298J1360This small house site, located just below andnorth of Fajada Butte, was occupied from approximatelyA.D. 850 through 1030 (Figures 5.1 and 5.2).Two house mounds associated with pit structures, atrash midden, several retaining walls, and otherextramural features may represent part of a largeroccupation that included an unexcavated site,29SJ1278. McKenna's (1984) analysis of the architectureand material culture indicates initial constructionaround A.D. 850 to 950 of rooms 2,4, and possibly3, in House 1, Pit structure C, and the lowest floor(Floor 2) of Pithouse B. From about A.D. 950 to1030, he found evidence for the addition of rooms 6,9, and 11 in House 1, the ramada area, and Kiva A infront of House 2. An L-shaped wall complex (mealingarea) and Room 1, plus the retaining wall north ofPithouse B, were also attributed to this period. Byabandonment (around A.D. 1020 to 1030), the inhabitantsof Pithouse B were using House 1 plazaareas, Room 1, and the L-shaped complex; and rooms7,9, and 11 (two of which had unusually large firepitsand may represent special use areas) in House 1.Contemporary trash was thrown into Kiva A.Because Pithouse B was left intact after anunusual event, household furnishings provide a uniqueview of the material culture in use at the end of thepithouse's use. Human remains in Pithouse B indicatethat two women, probably in their late 30s to early40s, and three children, plus their dogs, died of ashyxiationduring the cold season. One woman (Burial2) and child in the main part of the pithouse werelying on mats, seemingiyasieep. A younger woman(Burial 1) was found in the raised area to the southbehind the wing wall in a position that suggests thatshe was trying to save an infant by placing it in theventilator shaft, but she fell backward into anotheryoung child who also died in this area. The unusualplacement of the area behind the wing walls at 30 cmabove the floor of the main chamber may have providedmore oxygen, but the deflector could haveprevented proper air circulation and caused a build-upof carbon dioxide and carbon monoxide. McKenna(1984) suggested that two projectile points and othertraumatic evidence found with Burial 2 were probablythe result of slightly earlier damage. Stuart (2000)argued against a violent ending for the woman becauseboth dogs are in positions of repose, and they wouldhave heard anyone above who intended to harm thewomen. Although some ceramics in Pithouse B (RedMesa Black-on-white and narrow-neckbanded culinaryware) fall generally into the Early Bonito phase,the presence of early Gallup Black-on-white, EscavadaBlack-an-white, and Mancos Black-an-white placedthis event and the terminal use of this structure ataround A.D. 1020 to 1030.In addition to the two women and children,McKenna (1984: 199) considered other evidence tosuggest that this pit structure may have been used bytwo nuclear families. The pairing of open and closedceramic forms (e.g., two early Gallup Black-an-whitepitchers) on both sides of the firepit suggests use by anextended group, as did two possible clusters of bonetools on distinct sides of the bench (McKenna 1984:35-345). He thought these could represent two disincttool kits, a single tool kit duplicated in both areas,or one tool kit that was scattered along the bench.McKenna favored the last. Additionally, rooms 7 and11, both located behind the storage areas in House 1,