Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

Historic Period Studies 301control systems used by Rafael, Dan Cly, and TomChischilly-begay; he mapped their fields in relation toa drainage from which each captured water. Lowearth ridges, check dams, and natural features guidedstorm waters from higher areas into the garden plots.Additionally, abandoned hogan sites and formergarden plots gave testimony that there had previouslybeen more Navajo families living in the area (Judd1954:53).Judd (1954:343) reported on other historic useofthe canyon by two cattle companies-the CarlisleCattle Company, and the LC. Their use areas werebetween Hosta Butte and the San Juan River in 1879.Before 1895, the stone buildings that were part of theLC Chaco headquarters near Penasco Blanco werebeing used by Old WeIIo, and details about these twocompanies had faded from memory. Judd (1954:58and Plate 1) also indicated that the reservoir locatedjust southeast of Pueblo Bonito and the canal dug onthe north side of the Chaco Wash by Wetherill in 1902were part of the requirements for the Wetherillhomestead.During the SARIUNM/MNM research in ChacoCanyon, Bloom (1921) summarized historicaldocuments on Chaco Canyon; Brand (1937a) added tothis preliminary work. Hewett (1922: 119) noted that"there were numerous cysts, vaults and pits for whichwe have little precedent" as one of seven "surprises"he encountered during the 1921 field season, yet hesaid nothing about Navajo use of Chetro Ketl. Inaddition to archaeological investigations, the SARIUNM field schools studied language, culture, andarchitecture. In 1929, several students assisted JohnHarrington in a study of the Zuni language; JanetTietjens (1929) collected place names that includedSpanish, Navajo, and Zuni derivations for the largerpueblos and some of the more prominent landmarks inthe area. From 1933 through 1942, several fieldschoolprofessors (Clyde Kluckhohn, Malcolm Bissell,and Leland Wyman) lectured on Navajo culture ordirected research by field-school students on specifictopics (Brugge 1980). Archaeological studies ofNavajo hogans in the area were carried out byMalcolm (1939), Corbett (1940), and Farmer (1942).Several types of construction were recorded (e.g.,forked-stick, cribbed-log, circular-stone-wall), as wellas camps, fortified sites, ramadas, sweat houses, leantos,caches, burials, dance grounds, ovens, trashdumps, and petroglyphs. Unfortunately, none of theseresearchers combined the archaeological and historicalrecords in a comprehensive review.Prior to 1969, the most extensive, but unpublished,study that combines historical accounts andarchaeological data is that of Gwinn Vivian (1960).He conducted archaeological survey and excavationsto expand knowledge of Navajo sites in the area.Vivian obtained tree-ring samples that provided 25dendrochronological dates from five sites (Vivian1960:154). He compared his historical data forNavajo, Pueblo, and Spanish with archaeological data.He concluded that although historical documents indicatebrief encounters between Spanish and nomadicpeoples in New Mexico, some of whom could beNavajo, between 1582 and 1609, there was no positiveproof of their presence in the archaeological record.Between 1609 and 1680, however, documents indicateNavajo raids on Pueblo settlements and reprisalsresulting from these actions. There was some indicationof agricultural practices. From 1680 to 1704, theperiod of the Pueblo Revolt and reconquest, a numberof people from Jemez and Keres pueblos sought refugewith the Navajo, while inhabitants of Cochiti Puebloactually received com from the Navajo during times ofcrisis. Thus, during the seventeenth century, it waslikely that the Navajo were well settled into the SanJuan River drainages. Several districts were probablyunited under local leaders, but there was no unificationinto a larger entity. The Gobemador area, whichis known as a "Refugee" area, lacks archaeologicalevidence of Pueblo people until about 1700. A fewsites contain Navajo Dinetah utility ware. In theChacra and Big Bead Mesa areas, there are nodefensive sites or defensive architecture.From 1705 through 1716, Navajo raids on theRio Grande increased; Ute and Comanche attacked theNavajo; and Spanish troops began to penetrate Navajocountry, where they decimated crops and capturedpeople in retribution. Peaceful coexistence betweenSpanish and Navajo existed between 1717 and 1750.There is documentation of Navajo moving into theCebolleta area, only seven leagues from LagunaPueblo. A number of Navajo became Christians as aresult of missionary efforts in the area between SantaAna and Santa Clara pueblos. By 1750, a number ofmissions had been established; those at Cebolletafailed. Spanish homesteaders also entered the area and