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Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

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The Classic Adaptation 211Table 6.9. Estimates <strong>of</strong> ceramic importsinto <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong> by period. aConservative MaximumEstimated EstimatedPeriod (A.D.) Percentages PercentagesPre-SOO 16.6 79.4SOO-920 2S.1 67.9920-1040 25.2 45.21040-1100 39.8 63.61100-1200 50.4 66.51200-1300 45.7 76.7a Taken from H.Toll <strong>and</strong> McKenna (1997:Tables 2.58<strong>and</strong> 2.59).timates indicate a dip in <strong>the</strong> Early Bonito phase, whichmight signify decreased interaction between <strong>Chaco</strong>ans<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir neighbors at this time.Within <strong>the</strong> entire Classic period, <strong>the</strong>re are someinteresting shifts in source areas. Based on <strong>the</strong> assumptionthat chalcedonic cement s<strong>and</strong>stone representsinteraction <strong>and</strong> importation with sou<strong>the</strong>rn groups, <strong>the</strong>overall percentage for this temper type peaks betweenA.D. 800 <strong>and</strong> 920. The percentages for trachyte, indicative<strong>of</strong> western ties, increase steadily through time<strong>and</strong> peak between A.D. 1040 <strong>and</strong> 1100. <strong>San</strong> <strong>Juan</strong>igneous temper was never high; it decreased afterA.D. 920, reached a low <strong>of</strong>2.4 percent between A.D.1040 <strong>and</strong> 1100, increased slowly <strong>the</strong>reafter, <strong>and</strong>peaked at 16.4 percent between AD. 1200 <strong>and</strong> 1300(H. Toll <strong>and</strong> McKenna 1997:Table 2.58). O<strong>the</strong>r importedtemper types are low during <strong>the</strong> A.D. 800 to920 period, slowly increase between A.D. 1040 <strong>and</strong>1100, <strong>and</strong> show a greater increase <strong>the</strong>reafter. Basedon <strong>the</strong>se trends, ties always connected <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>ans topeople in many directions; <strong>the</strong>se ties were neversevered, but closer reliance on different areas shiftedfrom <strong>the</strong> south to west, <strong>and</strong> later to <strong>the</strong> north.O<strong>the</strong>r studies helped define <strong>the</strong> areas <strong>of</strong> ceramicproduction <strong>and</strong> level <strong>of</strong> craft specialization, but <strong>the</strong>reare many caveats that can be applied to differentexplanations for behavior that suggest craft special-ization (H. Toll 1985; H. Toll <strong>and</strong> McKenna1997: 164-211). The basic underlying assumption isthat <strong>the</strong> more st<strong>and</strong>ardization in <strong>the</strong> size <strong>of</strong> severalproduction variables, <strong>the</strong> more likely that craftspecialization existed. Also, different wares probablyhad different functions; <strong>the</strong>refore, each ware wasexamined separately to tease out <strong>the</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>variables analyzed. Because red wares <strong>and</strong> smudgedwares were few in number, H. Toll <strong>and</strong> McKenna(1997) focused on gray wares (thought to have beenused for storage <strong>and</strong> cooking) <strong>and</strong> white wares(thought to have been used for serving <strong>and</strong> specialpurposes).Because broad-based ceramic shifts affectinterpretations <strong>of</strong> specialization, H. Toll (1985:216-223; Toll <strong>and</strong> McKenna 1997:215) also took intoaccount six shifts: 1) The change from mineral tocarbon paint; 2) <strong>the</strong> change in vessel forms with smallorifices (e.g., Lino jars with necks <strong>and</strong> tecomates) towide-mou<strong>the</strong>d jars; 3) <strong>the</strong> appearance <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> exteriormanipulation <strong>of</strong> gray ware neck coil width, whichtook place around A.D. 900 in <strong>Chaco</strong>; 4) an ab<strong>and</strong>onment<strong>of</strong> fugitive red treatment on vessel exteriors; 5)<strong>the</strong> adoption <strong>and</strong> rejection <strong>of</strong> vessel forms (e.g. gourdladles, pitchers, kiva jars, <strong>and</strong> mugs); <strong>and</strong> 6)decorative changes such as those seen between RedMesa to Gallup black-on-white designs. These nearlycontemporaneous changes throughout <strong>the</strong> Anasaziregion, especially those that occurred early, could be<strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> several organizational or functionalreasons. Functional reasons included a possible improvementin resistance to <strong>the</strong>rmal shock by increasing<strong>the</strong> texturing <strong>of</strong> gray ware vessels or <strong>the</strong> conservation<strong>of</strong> fuel by using organic paint that could be fired atlower temperatures. Organizational considerations include<strong>the</strong> production by a limited number <strong>of</strong> pottersacross space who could quickly correlate improvements<strong>and</strong> changes, decisions by authorities, or <strong>the</strong> use<strong>of</strong> style to indicate group membership that wouldfacilitate interaction among groups in an unpredictableenvironment (Gillespie 1985; Schelberg 1982a). Because<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> extent <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> changes <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir timing, H.Toll suggested that social reasons were more likely.The level <strong>of</strong> specialization was difficult todetermine. H. Toll (1985; H. Toll <strong>and</strong> McKenna1997:206-207) found no evidence for <strong>the</strong> production<strong>of</strong> specialized forms by producers attached to eliteleaders; <strong>the</strong> technology used to produce special forms

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