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Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

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302 <strong>Chaco</strong> Project Syn<strong>the</strong>sisestablished <strong>the</strong>mselves along <strong>the</strong> Rio Puerco <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>east. Competition for l<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>n became a problem.This more intensive interaction between Navajo <strong>and</strong>Pueblo peoples is reflected in <strong>the</strong> archaeologicalrecord. In <strong>the</strong> Gobemador area, masonry buildings<strong>and</strong> tower-like structures, as well as pueblitos, arefound. There is evidence <strong>of</strong> settlement on ChacraMesa <strong>and</strong> Big Bead Mesa; on <strong>the</strong> former are siteshaving an emphasis on defense. Spanish trade itemsare rare in <strong>the</strong> Gobemador area <strong>and</strong> absent far<strong>the</strong>rsouth. Gwinn Vivian saw <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong> change in <strong>the</strong>development <strong>of</strong> masonry architecture <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> ceramicmaterials. Based on faunal remains from ChacraMesa, he suggested that livestock were present butwere probably used for food ra<strong>the</strong>r than for wool <strong>and</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r products.After 1750, <strong>and</strong> until 1800, documentary evidenceindicates that, except in <strong>the</strong> Cebolleta area,where Spanish settlers obtained l<strong>and</strong> grants <strong>and</strong>encroached upon <strong>the</strong> Navajo, <strong>the</strong>re was less contactbetween Navajo <strong>and</strong> Pueblo peoples. At this time; <strong>the</strong>Navajo moved from <strong>the</strong>ir homel<strong>and</strong> in <strong>the</strong> north tosettlements far<strong>the</strong>r south <strong>and</strong> west. Many moreNavajo sites are assigned to this period, both onChacra Mesa <strong>and</strong> Big Bead Mesa. In <strong>the</strong> newsettlements, <strong>the</strong>re is evidence for a decline in Pueblostylearchitecture, but also some evidence <strong>of</strong> contact<strong>and</strong> trade. Very few Navajo sites are found in <strong>the</strong>Gobernador area.Based on <strong>the</strong>se observations, Gwinn Vivian concludedthat <strong>the</strong>re is good correlation between <strong>the</strong>archaeological <strong>and</strong> historical records. The formercould explain certain changes in <strong>the</strong> latter. When heexamined architecture <strong>and</strong> ceramics to test <strong>the</strong> ideathat Navajo culture remained stable through time, heconcluded that <strong>the</strong> Pueblo traits found in <strong>the</strong> Gobernadorarea were considerably reduced from what <strong>the</strong>ywere in <strong>the</strong>ir homel<strong>and</strong>. Traits that evolved in <strong>the</strong>Gobernador area were reduced <strong>and</strong> simplified in <strong>the</strong>Chacra Mesa archaeological database. The Pueblopeople who moved into Navajo territory during <strong>the</strong>1600s were easily absorbed, but <strong>the</strong>ir traits <strong>and</strong>traditions were not as easily integrated into <strong>the</strong> Navajoculture. When defense against <strong>the</strong> Ute became a majorproblem for <strong>the</strong> Navajo, <strong>the</strong>re was a change in structuresfrom forked-stick to masonry hogans, a movesouth <strong>and</strong> west into new territory, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> appearance<strong>of</strong> Pueblo trade pottery on Navajo sites on Chacra <strong>and</strong>Big Bead mesas. Sites in <strong>the</strong> south were less defensivein nature than those in <strong>the</strong> north, indicating a shiftback to more traditional Navajo ways when <strong>the</strong> enemywas not close by.In summary, knowledge about <strong>the</strong> Navajopeoples in <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong> was still limited in 1969.Although <strong>the</strong>re were a number <strong>of</strong> ethnological studiescarried out during <strong>the</strong> SARIUNM field schools, most<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> data were incorporated into larger studies <strong>of</strong>Navajo culture. The stories <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Gambler werevaried, <strong>and</strong> some investigators wondered how much toattribute to <strong>the</strong> individual storyteller. Documentation<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> prior history <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Navajo in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong> areahad begun. A comprehensive survey <strong>of</strong> Navajo siteswithin <strong>the</strong> <strong>the</strong>n-monument had not been undertaken,<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> few reports that had been published werelimited in scope. It was not until Gwinn Vivian conducted<strong>the</strong> survey on Chacra Mesa, <strong>and</strong> was able toassign dates to a number <strong>of</strong> structures <strong>and</strong> relate eventsto <strong>the</strong> historical documents, that we had a basicunderst<strong>and</strong>ing <strong>of</strong> early Navajo use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> area.Vivian's research was limited to <strong>the</strong> period from 1600to 1800 <strong>and</strong> had not been published, although a summary<strong>of</strong> this work appeared in Bannister (1965:116-202). He was, however, <strong>the</strong> first in <strong>Chaco</strong> to addresscausal factors for changes in <strong>the</strong> archaeological recordbased on historic documentation. His studies providedbasic information on historic adaptation in <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>area prior to <strong>Chaco</strong> Project research.The key issues in 1969, <strong>the</strong>refore, included acomplete survey <strong>of</strong> all historic sites in <strong>the</strong> canyon;ascertaining more exact dates for when Navajo movedinto <strong>the</strong> area; enhancing Navajo history <strong>of</strong> use in <strong>the</strong>area; <strong>and</strong> explicating relationships between Navajo <strong>and</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r culture groups. The <strong>Chaco</strong> Prospectus (NPS1969: 15-17) suggested survey, excavation, <strong>and</strong> examination<strong>of</strong> documentary evidence within an ecologicalframework for three periods <strong>of</strong> use: Refugee, Navajo,<strong>and</strong> Recent Historic. These studies would easily becombined.After a discussion <strong>of</strong> major data-recoveryprojects carried out by <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong> Project, <strong>and</strong> severalcontemporaneous studies in <strong>the</strong> area outside <strong>of</strong> parkboundaries, this chapter will conclude with anevaluation <strong>of</strong> what has been learned, <strong>and</strong> suggestionsfor future research.

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