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Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

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The Classic Adaptation 185which are 74 percent water, would have been mucheasier to transport in a dried state (Akins 1985:409).After reviewing studies examining energy <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>transport <strong>of</strong> food, Akins (1985:408) suggested thattrade probably was involved in <strong>the</strong> acquisition <strong>of</strong> meatfrom distances in excess <strong>of</strong> 10 km.Estimates <strong>of</strong> Available WaterNo matter how much arable l<strong>and</strong> was available,it would be useful only if <strong>the</strong>re was sufficient water tocover domestic use <strong>and</strong> construction needs, as well asfarming (Gwinn Vivian i992). Today, surface watercollects in pools at <strong>the</strong> confluence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>and</strong>Escavada washes. Ground water collects in seeps, inrincons, <strong>and</strong> in side canyons. Seasonal run<strong>of</strong>f collectsin potholes <strong>and</strong> tanks; it can be captured or diverted t<strong>of</strong>ields.Drinking water may have been sufficient.Windes (1987[1]:39) identified four seeps in Cly's<strong>Canyon</strong>. Samples from <strong>the</strong> Great Gambler's Spring(29S11791) had been analyzed by Judd (1954: 12), <strong>and</strong>by Windes. Both indicated that this water was exceptionally pure. Discharge rates calculated from samplescollected by Windes in mid-October were 4 L per day.At nearby seep 29SJ1752, discharge rates were 59 Lper day (in mid-May) <strong>and</strong> 69 L per day (in mid­October) during a wet year. Based on documentedneeds <strong>of</strong> soldiers in a dry environment <strong>and</strong> NewMexicans at rest, Windes thought that <strong>the</strong> four seepsin Cly's <strong>Canyon</strong> would support between 100 <strong>and</strong> 200permanent residents. O<strong>the</strong>r seep basins appear along<strong>the</strong> cliff bases where <strong>the</strong> Cliff House Formation isexposed on <strong>the</strong> north mesa bench. Shallow wells in<strong>the</strong> Escavada Wash would have provided considerablewater. The <strong>Chaco</strong> Wash could have been used, but itshigh mineral <strong>and</strong> salt content would have made itswater much less desirable to drink or use for irrigation(Windes 1987a[I]:37-42). Assuming a population <strong>of</strong>5,566 people living in <strong>the</strong> canyon, Gwinn Vivian(1992) thought that domestic needs could be met byutilizing <strong>the</strong> numerous seeps, shallow wells, bedrocktanks, <strong>and</strong> manmade reservoirs. If rules <strong>of</strong> use weresimilar to historic Hopi, members <strong>of</strong> ei<strong>the</strong>r greathouses or small house sites could have managed <strong>the</strong>irown local supply. Hopi women are known to stay upall night to capture every drop <strong>of</strong> water during periods<strong>of</strong> drought; <strong>the</strong>y also manage water sources withlimited flows. Larger springs are under <strong>the</strong> control <strong>of</strong>individual clans who develop <strong>and</strong> clean <strong>the</strong> areas on aregular basis (Vivian 1992).Because construction could be delayed, GwinnVivian (1992) thought <strong>the</strong> timing <strong>of</strong> construction wasflexible. Using Lekson's (1984a) estimates for waterneeds during great house construction periods, Vivianproposed that small houses <strong>and</strong> class 1 great houseconstruction (a fairly regular, ongoing event) needscould have been met by using <strong>the</strong> water sources listedfor domestic use. Class II, class III, <strong>and</strong> class IV constructionneeds, however, would have requiredadvance plan,.ing, scheduling <strong>of</strong> seasonal labor, 3...Wldstorage <strong>of</strong> water in temporary ponds or reservoirs forshort periods. Ownership <strong>of</strong> stored resources by asocial group, such as a clan, for communal purposes,<strong>and</strong> a manager for great house labor units wereproposed.Summary<strong>Chaco</strong> Project investigators (e.g., Judge 1989;Schelberg 1982a) considered <strong>the</strong> canyon a stressfulenvironment in which to earn a living as anagriculturalist. Although storage <strong>of</strong> foods wouldprobably buffer short-term shortfalls in crop production,<strong>the</strong>re were periods when decreased rainfallprobably induced at least minor changes in behavior toalleviate problems. Planting <strong>of</strong> crops in dune areas<strong>and</strong> locations where side drainages brought additionalwater to <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> was practiced, but rainfall alone wasprobably insufficient to ensure crop production at alltimes. Construction <strong>of</strong> canals <strong>and</strong> gridded gardensmay have begun early <strong>and</strong> continued throughout <strong>the</strong>entire period, but dating <strong>the</strong>se features is difficult. Nomatter how <strong>the</strong> l<strong>and</strong> was used, <strong>the</strong> total acreageconsidered suitable for agriculture probably would nothave supported more than 4,000 people in <strong>the</strong> best <strong>of</strong>circumstances. People were able to make adjustments,ei<strong>the</strong>r through increased mobility or trade, duringperiods <strong>of</strong> stress. The feasibility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se optionsdepends very much on <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> people living in<strong>the</strong> canyon <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> control <strong>the</strong>y may have had overresources in <strong>the</strong> larger region.The <strong>Chaco</strong>an PeopleHow many people lived in <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong>, <strong>and</strong>how healthy <strong>the</strong>y were are topics that have intriguedvisitors <strong>and</strong> researchers since <strong>the</strong> great houses were

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