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Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

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246 <strong>Chaco</strong> Project Syn<strong>the</strong>sisrequire a cooperative effort <strong>and</strong> a preservationorientedplan. The PNM/SHPO-sponsored studyfocused on 1) a workable predictive model for outliersite location that would be useful for management; <strong>and</strong>2) nomination <strong>of</strong> outlying <strong>Chaco</strong>an sites to <strong>the</strong> federal<strong>and</strong> state lists <strong>of</strong> cultural properties (Loose 1979a:356). The major goal <strong>of</strong> NPS archaeologists was toexamine <strong>the</strong> relationship between <strong>the</strong> outliers <strong>and</strong><strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong> (Judge 1976a). Judge's researchdesign specified <strong>the</strong> collection <strong>of</strong> data in order toevaluate time, space, environment, site morphology,<strong>and</strong> artifacts in an attempt to formulate <strong>and</strong> evaluatehypo<strong>the</strong>ses to explain this phenomenon. He advocated<strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> systems <strong>the</strong>ory, an evolutionary approach,<strong>and</strong> a cultural ecology orientation (R. Powers et al.1983:5-6). Participants in both surveys addressedprotection <strong>and</strong> preservation goals that contributed to<strong>the</strong> passage <strong>of</strong> Public Law 96-550 in 1980, which setaside 33 <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> large pueblos as protected sites.Although <strong>the</strong>re were several differences between<strong>the</strong> PNM/SHPO (Marshall et al. 1979) <strong>and</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>Pr~ject (R. Powers et al. 1983) surveys, some datawere combined for analysis. Both studies focused onlarge pueblos. Marshall et al. (1979) assigned affiliations(<strong>Chaco</strong>an, Chuskan, or Mesa Verdean) to sites.The differences between <strong>Chaco</strong>an <strong>and</strong> Mesa Verde<strong>and</strong>esignations correlated with time; those between<strong>Chaco</strong>an <strong>and</strong> Chuskan denoted cultural differences.For Powers et al. (1983), <strong>the</strong> focus was on <strong>Chaco</strong>relatedsites <strong>and</strong> surrounding structures; ceramic typeswere designated as Cibolan. Loose (1979a:358) listedseveral criteria to define an outlier: 1) multi-b<strong>and</strong>ed<strong>and</strong> cored masonry, large rooms, high ceilings, <strong>and</strong> aplanned appearance to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>an structure; 2)Cibola-series ceramics; 3) <strong>Chaco</strong>-style kivas; 4) morethan 20 rooms, or an association with a prehistoricroad; <strong>and</strong> 5) a strategic location on one <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> knownroad systems; <strong>and</strong> perhaps 6) a later McElmoappearance, if <strong>the</strong> structure is associated with Bonitophase roads. Powers et al. (1983) stressed <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>community, which included 1) a <strong>Chaco</strong>an structure(great house or great kiva); 2) proximity to a <strong>Chaco</strong>anroad; <strong>and</strong> 3) a number <strong>of</strong> small houses within <strong>the</strong> area.Dates assigned to ceramics by Marshall et al. (1979)differed slightly from those used by Powers et al.(1983:Figure 3), who followed Hayes's (1981)version based on <strong>the</strong> Pecos Classification (Figure 8.1).Powers et al. (1983) concentrated on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong> slope,while Marshall et al. (1979) focused on <strong>the</strong> sou<strong>the</strong>rnperiphery <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>San</strong> <strong>Juan</strong> <strong>Basin</strong>. Three areas (Bissa'ani, Peach Springs, <strong>and</strong> Pierre's site) were moreintensively surveyed by Powers et al. (1983), whoestablished a l-km radius from <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>an structureto define <strong>the</strong> area examined for <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> PuebloII <strong>and</strong> Pueblo III sites. For <strong>the</strong>se areas, a full set <strong>of</strong>data was recorded; o<strong>the</strong>r sites were only identified <strong>and</strong>located. Thus, early Basketmaker III <strong>and</strong> Pueblo Icommunities were less well documented, but <strong>the</strong>irpresence suggested long-term use <strong>of</strong> some areas, muchlike <strong>the</strong> data collected by Marshall et al. (1979).Research sponsored by PNM <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> SHPO includeddata on 34 <strong>Chaco</strong>an, Chuskan, <strong>and</strong> Mesa Verdeangreat houses <strong>and</strong>/or communities (Marshall et al.1979). When reconnaissance <strong>and</strong> literature searchrevealed that <strong>the</strong>re was a large number <strong>of</strong> outlyingcommunities, Powers et al. (1983:6) recognized thatit would be impossible to report on all <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m, <strong>and</strong><strong>the</strong> sample for analysis was narrowed to 33 thatrepresented a <strong>Chaco</strong>an manifestation. These initialstudies provided a sufficient sample to suggest when<strong>and</strong> how communities were organized through time.Recent studies (e.g., Gilpin 2003; Gilpin et al. 1996;Kantner 2003b; Van Dyke 1999) include sites notdocumented during <strong>the</strong>se surveys; refinements inchronology <strong>and</strong> settlement patterns continue to bedistinguished among <strong>the</strong> great houses <strong>and</strong> communities(Kantner <strong>and</strong> Kintigh 2005).Based on <strong>the</strong>se two early surveys, it was possibleto outline <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> communities. Marshallet al. (1979) indicated that clusters <strong>of</strong> small houses,some with great kivas, had Basketmaker III <strong>and</strong>Pueblo I ceramics (A.D. 550 to 950). In <strong>the</strong>secommunities <strong>the</strong>re were no multi storied structures, n<strong>of</strong>ormal irrigation features, <strong>and</strong> no well-defined roads.The great kivas or single large houses within <strong>the</strong>communities were identified as community centers.As a result <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir analysis, Marshall et al. (1979:338) proposed a new chronological sequence. BetweenA.D. 500 <strong>and</strong> 950, <strong>the</strong>re were numeroussettlements consisting <strong>of</strong> traditional Basketmaker III<strong>and</strong> Pueblo I sites. Although communities existed,<strong>the</strong>re was as no central control <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>San</strong> <strong>Juan</strong> <strong>Basin</strong>.Between A.D. 950 <strong>and</strong> 1150, <strong>the</strong> classic <strong>Chaco</strong>settlements appeared. Small habitation sites aroundmulti storied buildings <strong>and</strong> great kivas were frequentlyconnected by formal roads. O<strong>the</strong>r public works (irrigationcanals, dams, <strong>and</strong> reservoirs) were thought tosupport a system that incorporated extensive regional

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