Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

222 Chaco Project Synthesisarchitecture, which encoded both secular and religiousideas. Rotational symmetry in architecture alsosuggested balancing through the sequential rotationalalteration of authority and responsibility. Although hecould not determine whether the social system wascomposed of two distinct groups living in differentsizepueblos or whether there was sharing of poweramong two groups, Fritz (1978) demonstrated theability to glimpse the ideological system throughanalysis of architectural evidence.Continued investigations into the architecturalexpression of astronomical observations and markingswere conducted by the Solstice Project headed bySofaer (Marshall and Sofaer 1986, 1988). Solar andlunar orientations were found for the walls of greathouses both within Chaco Canyon and the Chaco Core(Sofaer 1994, 1997; Sofaer, Marshall, and Sinclair1989; Sofaer and Sinclair 1992; Sofaer, Sinclair, andDonehue 1991a, 1991b). Stein and McKenna (1988)noted astronomical alignments among buildings in theAztec complex. Malville (1999; Malville et al. 1991)recorded the lunar rise at a major standstill every 19years between two stone pilars at Chimney Rock, 150km to the northeast in southern Colorado. In additionto solar and lunar markings and expressions notedamong great houses, Marshall (1997) suggested thatChacoan roads also may represent a cosmologicalexpression. After an extensive review of the documentedsegments of Chacoan roads, Roney (1992)agreed. For an interesting summary of debate onChacoan roads, see Gabriel (1991). Historic Pueblopeople still schedule ceremonies in conjunction withthe movement of the sun and moon, both of which areimportant to their ceremonial cycle.In his keynote address at a symposium on earlyPueblo astronomy, Judge (1987) emphasized that themost important issue is not that Chacoans wereobservant of astronomical events, but rather is howthese observations were interwoven into their socialorganization. Williamson (1987) asked if we shouldbe looking for purposeful astronomical alignments atall of these sites, or whether the functions of thesesites were limited. Carlson (1987) thought that muchof what we have observed may be due to fortuitousobservations and does not apply to the Chaco culture.Jojola (1987), a native from Isleta, shared that the sunwatcher,or Pueblo astronomer, functioned as anintermediary between the supernatural and the humanworlds; he uses three points of reference to crosscheckthe cyclical progress of the year. These are thepassing of the solstices, the phases of the moon, andthe seasonal position of recognized constellations. Itis the orderly passing of cyclical time and the ceremoniesthat take place that are important, not the studyof the heavens for their knowledge of movements inand of themselves. Thus, Reyman's (1987) discussionof the role of the sun priest, whose major obligationsare related to the yearly calendar and the scheduling ofceremonial events, provides a model for how a ritualceremonial center in Chaco may have operated. Althoughhe has power, he is not materially distinguishablefrom other members of society.Although the position of sun-watcher is passed downthrough clans, leaders can be replaced, and leadershipcan be transferred to other groups. This model mightwell fit within the parameters of the ritual ceremonialcenter that Judge (1993) proposed for the Chacoansystem.In summary, it is not possible to use ethnographicanalogy for direct interpretation of Chacoanarchaeology. Yet, there is long-term continuity forsome practices in Pueblo society in which religiousleaders are not clearly distinguished through materialculture.SummaryResearch presented in this chapter indicates thatChacoan society during the Classic period probablyconsisted of fewer than 4,000 people living in thecanyon. They supported themselves through relianceon agriculture, but utilized local economic plants,captured field pests, and participated in hunts ortraded with neighbors in order to procure sufficientprotein. Protein procurement, therefore, would bringthem into contact with other groups, possibly widelydisseminated across the larger region. The presence ofimported ceramics, lithics, shell, and timber substantiatesome form of interaction, which increasedsubstantially from levels documented for the BasketmakerIII-Pueblo I period.Although the Chacoans were successful in copingwith various periods of drought between ca. A.D. 850and 1130, they still suffered nutritional stress due toa high-carbohydrate diet-typical of most early Pueblopeople. When compared to other populations, the