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Culture and Ecology of Chaco Canyon and the San Juan Basin

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18 <strong>Chaco</strong> Project Syn<strong>the</strong>sisobsidian pieces from 20 excavated sites revealed that12 distinct source areas in New Mexico, Colorado,Arizona, Utah, <strong>and</strong> nor<strong>the</strong>rn Mexico provided chippedstone to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>ans (Cameron <strong>and</strong> Sappington1984). A decade later, results were refined whenWindes (1993:304-307) resubmitted some artifacts aspart <strong>of</strong> a different analysis. Some specimensoriginally identified as coming from <strong>the</strong> Polvaderasource in <strong>the</strong> Jemez Mountains were later identified ascoming from <strong>the</strong> Grants Ridge source near MountTaylor.Attempts to source turquoise, however, have notbeen as satisfying. A small number <strong>of</strong> artifactsanalyzed using arc emission spectrography (Sigleo1970) suggested several possible sources in threedifferent states. Neutron activation by Weig<strong>and</strong> et al.(1977) linked one artifact from Chetro Ketl to <strong>the</strong>Cerrillos Mining District south <strong>of</strong> <strong>San</strong>ta Fe, NewMexico, <strong>and</strong> additional studies <strong>of</strong> 150 artifactsreported a relative homogeneity with regard toconsistent copper values, although <strong>the</strong> source was notidentified (Bishop 1979:4-5; Mathien 1981b). Morerecently, Harbottle <strong>and</strong> Weig<strong>and</strong> (1987, 1992;Weig<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> Harbottle 1993) matched <strong>Chaco</strong> artifactswith artifacts from o<strong>the</strong>r sites in <strong>the</strong> Rio Gr<strong>and</strong>eValley <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> Southwest to propose two differenttrade networks extending southward. Their mapsindicate that turquoise recovered in <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong>may have come from several sources besides Cerrillos;e.g., Colorado <strong>and</strong> Nevada. Hans Ruppert (1982,1983) used an electron microprobe to analyze samples<strong>and</strong> artifacts from sites in both North <strong>and</strong> SouthAmerica. Although successful in linking artifacts tosources in South America, his data for North Americawere difficult to interpret. Tables that included 462source samples <strong>and</strong> 80 <strong>Chaco</strong>an artifacts did not fallinto discrete clusters; e.g., 63 source samples fromCerrillos fell into 15 separate clusters. Artifacts from29SJ629 <strong>and</strong> 29SJ423 in <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong> were groupedin clusters with source material from Cerrillos, NewMexico; Mineral Park, Arizona; <strong>the</strong> Courtl<strong>and</strong>­Gleeson area <strong>of</strong> Arizona; <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> King Mine inColorado. Thus, although it seems likely thatturquoise was imported from several sources,additional research is needed to clarify present results.In summary, <strong>the</strong> trace element studies <strong>of</strong>obsidian <strong>and</strong> turquoise provided clues as to areas <strong>of</strong>interaction among various Southwestern popUlations,but <strong>the</strong>y will benefit from improvements as methodsare perfected <strong>and</strong> sample sizes increase.Concurrent Studies. Dendroclimatic studiescontributed much to <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong> Project. Investigatorsbegan to evaluate <strong>the</strong> variability that was apparent in<strong>the</strong> specimens throughout <strong>the</strong> Southwest (Dean <strong>and</strong>Robinson 1977), which led to reconstruction <strong>of</strong>paleoenvironment (Dean 1988, ] 992; Rose et al.1982) <strong>and</strong> its effects on population dynamics (Dean1996; Dean 1994, 1995). These contributions wouldaid in <strong>the</strong> development <strong>and</strong> testing <strong>of</strong> new models forgrowth <strong>and</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pueblo culture (seeChapter 2).SummaryPrior to <strong>the</strong> 1970s, researchers relied onethnographic analogy to interpret <strong>the</strong>ir data. Thepractitioners <strong>of</strong> "New Archaeology" (Willey <strong>and</strong>Sabl<strong>of</strong>f 1980) wanted to use larger databases <strong>and</strong> newtechnology to examine propositions derived throughdeductive reasoning. In ]969, this would not be astraightforward path to success for <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong> Project.For example, fewer than 400 sites had been recordedfor <strong>Chaco</strong> <strong>Canyon</strong> in <strong>the</strong> UNM system (Bc sitenumbers), <strong>and</strong> many excavations were ei<strong>the</strong>r notreported or <strong>the</strong> existing documentation did not lenditself to detailed analysis. There was little underst<strong>and</strong>ingabout selection <strong>of</strong> site locations or shifts insettlements through time. Ga<strong>the</strong>ring <strong>of</strong> data to addressthose problems would play an important role not justin <strong>the</strong> initial surveys but also throughout <strong>the</strong> <strong>Chaco</strong>Project.I feel that <strong>the</strong> deductive approach simplycannot be implemented effectively insurvey archeology, even in an area as wellknownarcheologically as <strong>Chaco</strong>. Anactual survey involves <strong>the</strong> expenditure <strong>of</strong>considerable time <strong>and</strong> effort <strong>and</strong> thus, Ifeel, must be inductively-oriented in orderto maximize <strong>the</strong> information gained. Thisdoes not preclude <strong>the</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> specificproblem formation to be tested with <strong>the</strong>survey data, but it does relegate such anorientation to a place second in importanceto <strong>the</strong> maximization <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> capabilities <strong>of</strong>inductive research. (Judge 1972:9)

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